Anna, will Lokpal probe divine money?

• By Kancha Ilaiah

Baba Ramdev is not willing to end his war against black money. He has now asked the government to unearth all black money — cash stashed away within the country as well as all the money parked in secret accounts in banks abroad.
Following Baba Ramdev’s exhortations, his disciples participated in hungerstrikes and agitations against black money. Likewise, Anna Hazare (who, incidentally, is a devotee of a Yadav baba whose temple is located in his own model village, Ralegaon Siddi) and his team are also opposed to black money and corruption and the Gandhian has threatened to go on hungerstrike again. Team Anna wants the Lokpal Bill dictated by them accepted as is and be made the law of the land. None of them, however, has so far said a word on the recent revelations of huge amounts of money and jewellery hidden in the vaults of temples and bedrooms of babas.
The treasure discovered at the Sree Padmanabha Swamy temple is worth Rs 1 lakh crore. And on June 17, Rs 11.5 crore in cash, 98 kg of gold and 307 kg of silver were found by Trust members when they opened Satya Sai Baba’s chambers at the Puttaparthi ashram after his death. It may be recalled that Baba Ramdev rushed to Puttaparthi to see the body of Satya Sai after he passed away. When Satya Sai was in the hospital, several “sacred” men and ministers from the Centre and states bemoaned that if he dies, ethics in India will also die.
One woman minister of Andhra Pradesh, in fact, camped beside his hospital bed for months. Several civil servants, judges and academics rushed to Puttaparthi. Now we have some idea why all this happened. It will be interesting to see what Baba Ramdev and Team Anna have to say about the officially declared wealth of the ashram, apart from the bundles shipped out of Satya Sai’s Yajur Mandir. Is this wealth black or white?
Will Baba Ramdev make a statement about the currency that was lying in Satya Sai’s bedroom, which was locked up when he was shifted to hospital? How do they define black money? Was the cash, gold and silver found in Yajur Mandir all white? If Mr Hazare, Baba Ramdev and their team members treat such money as black money, why are they silent on the course of action against it? Will the Lokpal Bill, which they are fighting for, also cover spiritual shrines of babas, temples, masjids, churches and gurdwaras? Does Mr Hazare’s draft have a clause that covers the kind of black money that was unearthed in Yajur Mandir?
Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam leaders A. Raja and K. Kanimozhi and Congress leader Suresh Kalmadi are in jail because they were said to be corrupt. If Satya Sai was alive, and if all the cash, gold and silver were dug up during that time, would he have had to be accountable? What would Kiran Bedi, who claims to be an honest and efficient police officer, have done in this case? Would she have arrested Satya Sai if he was in her jurisdiction?
By his own admission, Baba Ramdev has acquired assets worth `1,100 crore in a span of just 10 years. We do not know the worth of Sri Sri Ravi Shankar or Mata Anandamayi, whose spiritual kingdoms are thriving and expanding like wildfire. Shouldn’t Mr Hazare’s Lokpal Bill have a provision for investigating these financial empires?
I am sure no Prime Minister’s or Chief Justice of India’s bedroom (from Jawaharlal Nehru to Dr Manmohan Singh) could possess as much wealth as Satya Sai’s bedroom held.
At least the Prime Minister is accountable to Parliament and the people, and the Chief Justice has to sit on benches and there is an open office system with a registrar around him.
Who are the babas accountable to? In the name of god, spiritual exercises and cultural campaigns, far too much immorality, corruption and accumulation of black money has been taking place in the country. We know how godmen, politicians, bureaucrats, judges and academics make even gods corrupt in India. Early and exclusive darshan of the deity at big temples is available for a price. Part of this money goes into temple hoondis, the rest into the bedrooms of babas.
What does our highly moral civil society have to say about the corrupt culture of spiritual institutions, the latest evidence being the Yajur Mandir? We have seen what happened in Osho’s ashram. American civil society could not tolerate that ashram even for a few months.
Sexual immorality and accumulation of black money has been part of so-called spiritual/religious institutions. If we are against moral and financial corruption, we must focus on the haloed halls too.
* The author is director for the study of Social Exclusion and Inclusive Policy, Maulana Azad National Urdu University, Hyderabad

http://www.deccanchronicle.com/editorial/dc-comment/anna-will-lokpal-probe-divine-money-952

Fight against Corruption: Are we Serious?

Vidya Bhushan Rawat

Those were the years when the people in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar thought that now the change was about to come. The crowd at his gathering was increasing regularly. The speeches were laced with new adjectives of ‘future of India’. Rajiv’s clean image had taken a beating. The exposé had jolted his government. As the Finance Minister, he ordered that the corruption charges against prominent industrialists be probed. Many of them had to go to jail. He selected his officers on the basis of their probity and personal strength. They gave him results. Soon, the ‘best Finance Minister’ was shunted out of the Ministry to ‘defend’ the country. The industrialists wanted him out. He ordered an inquiry against corrupt politicians too and they also wanted his exit. No industrial house in India can survive without corruption. Tax evasions were rampant and he was trying to find out the big fishes without understanding that these sharks would connive together and throw him out.
He was sent to the Defence Ministry ignoring the big public opinion against his ouster. The govern-ment of that the day was habitual of such things. Rajiv was surrounded by the coterie and completely ignored saner advices. As he moved to the Defence Ministry, he found that there was a commission paid in the HDW Howitzer deal ordered from Germany. The Bofors report also came out and it became difficult for the Congress to hide its face. This ‘he’ that time was V.P. Singh whom we all love to hate despite his personal integrity and honesty in political life.
Yes, V.P. Singh was dismissed from the primary membership of the Congress Party for his fight against corruption. Yet, the successful thing was that he became the symbol of the fight against corruption in India in the late eighties. The students, middle classes jumped up and joined hands. His personal image remained clean all the time. The government of the day started a personal vendetta and fictitious reports were planted. Editors were hired to write in papers. Some of the biggest names of the Indian media jumped into the fray and allowed themselves to be used in a vicious propaganda against Singh. A fake account was opened under his son Ajeya Singh’s name in St. Kitts Island which later turned out to be fictitious. His ancestral property issue also cropped up. Yet, V.P. Singh could survive because he was simply a man of integrity and his life was open for probe.
The upper-caste middle classes were first to jump on his bandwagon when they realise that he was now ready to overthrow the government. The Brahmins of Varanasi anointed him with title ‘Rajarshi’ and he developed tremendous goodwill of the people, that is, the upper castes.
V.P. Singh came to power in 1989. He ensured that people with integrity take charge of the Ministry. The government was functioning well. It started allowing freedom to Doordarshan and All India Radio. It was refreshing to see news that time. It was working on labour and election reforms. A lot of other issues, including the Lokpal, was under consideration then. That apart, the Janata Dal as a political party had promised to fulfil 27 per cent quota for the OBCs.
On August 7, 1990, V.P. Singh announced the acceptance of the Mandal Commission recommen-dations in Parliament. For one month nothing happened and slowly the upper castes realised that their control over power is slipping and unless a slanderous campaign is started, they will be completely out of power. So, not only slander but everything that was available in the dictionary was used to defame the Dalits and OBCs. The middle class Hindus were in the streets against the OBC quota. V.P. Singh became one of the most hated politicians of our time. So much that none of the Hindu journalists ever want to say good things about him. Today, when we are fighting against corruption, none of these leaders bother to even mention his name. Why?
The answer lies in the upper-caste hatred against anything that provides connection of power to the Dalits and marginalised. V.P. Singh was the greatest person as long as he was talking about corruption and but he became the worst man once he started talking about the Dalits and OBCs. His government not only ensured the OBC quota but it also provided reservation for neo-Buddhists at the centenary celebrations of Babasaheb Dr Bhimrao Ambedkar and honoured him with Bharat Ratna. Similarly, Mayawati is not corrupt as long as she placates the upper castes but as soon as she erected those monuments of the Dalit Bahujan icons in the city of Lucknow, we are angry because we feel that the natural inheritor of our roundabouts in the city centre are the Gandhis, Nehrus, and our so many gods and goddesses. The upper caste-middle class feeling is that the Dalit Bahujan icons should remain in the bastis and dalitwadas.
•
WHEN we talk about corruption, how can we ignore the illicit land deals in our country? How can Anna and his team just feel that corruption is only in terms of money? The biggest corruption in today’s India is the sale of our natural resources, our land, forest and water. What is their stand on it? What will they do that powerful and well-connected people do not buy land just because they have money? Will we put a ceiling on land in India despite the people’s purchasing power? When the civil society wants to judge everyone, who will judge the civil society? What is this civil society? Did Anna and his team follow any principle of democracy in forming his team? How does democracy survive with such black-mailing tactics of Gandhi who used it to foil the separate electorate of Dalits?’
The issue of corruption is not a minor one but then those who want to fight against it should also remain clean. Yes, for people like us, they should not only be clean but also have faith in our secular pluralistic values and cannot be hate-preachers. How are these multi-billionaires, who have acquired their property in each State and even outside India, interested in the fight against corruption? Doesn’t Anna and his team know about the Baba and his games, his property and money? Is it a fight among those who say you have grabbed over one hundred million rupees and it is now our term to do so? How are we going to talk about individuals? Democracy will have to come out of such individualism and work. Yes, corruption affects us all. So why not we start to work developing a movement from the ground involving those whose lands have been grabbed by the local elites who may be donating huge sums to these anti-corruption crusaders? Should we not see who these forces we want to project as alternative are?
Just because there is a crowd does not mean that it has the right to do anything. Crowd does not provide legitimacy. Many of our friends actually feel that anyone who brings out the crowd is great. Yes, the Baba’s crowd was not a crowd for social justice. Anna’s crowd is similar. The stupidity of the Sangh’s propaganda is that the Ramlila Ground incident is being portrayed as Jalianwalla Bagh massacre. And see their gleeful faces at Rajghat. Sushma was dancing while Advani was comparing this incident to Jalianwalla Bagh. None ever questioned about the fictitious land deals of Ram Dev and other Babas. If we ignore the vital corruption in terms of land in the name of mutts, temples, gurudwaras and mosques, we cannot fight against corruption. In fact, we provide legitimacy. We cannot start a movement in which a majority of the population feels isolated, and fearful. The concern of 20 per cent Indian Muslims and other minorities are important and cannot be ignored. It is not just corruption but also their place in India and partnership in decision-making. How do we allow Dalits, Adivasis, Muslims and others partnership in our movement if we allow the entire reactionary forces in our decision-making? Just because you want to eliminate the Congress Party does not mean you can ally with anyone.
Yes, if the government and those who claim to work for us, are serious, then they must talk about corruption of all kinds, in all forms, anywhere. And not talk what is suitable to the middle classes who started corruption and want to lead the movement against it too. We want the government to release all the land papers of temples, mutts, gurudwaras, churches and mosques. Let the people know how much money is lying there and who is using that for what purpose. Anna Hazare and his team would do great harm if they do not consider this as corruption. Will they speak on it? Will they take on the religious thugs sitting on our land and water and preaching of austerity to us?
The Hindutva forces are working overnight on their agenda. They will use all the platforms which bring back power to the bramanical social order. After Ramdev, they want to bring back Uma Bharati to fight against Mayawati. While the Congress is shamelessly sticking to the Brahmin elite in Uttar Pradesh, the Hindutva forces are busy experimenting and who else can they use better than the Shudras? It is time we understand the dangers of such a fight against corruption and expose them tooth and nail. None can be a bigger threat to India than the ascendancy of the Hindutva forces to power. Let us fight against corruption and expose the very source of it.

Crtsy:http://www.mainstreamweekly.net/article2867.html

Gandhi and Corruption

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          ¥ÀæeÁªÁtÂAiÀÄ  ¢£ÁAPÀ:25-04-11 gÀ ¸ÀAaPÉAiÀÄ°è ²æà ¢£Éñï C«ÄÃ£ï ªÀÄlÄÖ gÀªÀgÀÄ ªÀiÁrgÀĪÀ ‘’C£ÁªÀgÀt’’zÀ°è ‘’CuÁÚ ºÀeÁgÉ CªÀgÀ°è UÁA¢üÃfAiÀÄ£ÀÄß PÁt §AiÀĸÀĪÀ PÉÆÃmÁåAvÀgÀ d£ÀgÀ PÀtÂÚ£À°è EAxÀºÀ ¸ÀtÚ vÀ¥ÀÄàUÀ¼ÀÄ ¨sÀæªÀÄ ¤gÀ¸À£ÀªÀ£ÀÄßAlÄ ªÀiÁqÀ§®èzÀÄ AiÀiÁPÉAzÀgÉ ºÀtPÁ¹£À «µÀAiÀÄzÀ°è UÁA¢üÃf EAxÀºÀ ¸ÀtÚ vÀ¥ÀÄàUÀ¼À£ÀÆß ªÀiÁrgÀ°®è ¸ÀĪÀiÁgÀÄ 30 ªÀµÀðUÀ¼À PÁ® ¸ÁévÀAvÀæöå ºÉÆÃgÁlªÀ£ÀÄß ªÀÄÄ£ÀßqɹzÀÝ ªÀÄvÀÄÛ EzÀPÁÌV PÉÆÃmÁåAvÀgÀ gÀÆ ¸ÁªÀðd¤PÀ ¤¢ü ¸ÀAUÀ滹zÀÝ UÁA¢üÃf «gÀÄzÀÝ AiÀiÁgÀÆ ºÀtzÀÄgÀÄ¥ÀAiÉÆÃUÀzÀ ¸ÀtÚ ¸ÉÆ®Äè PÀÆqÀ JwÛgÀ°®è ‘’ JA¢zÁÝgÉ.

     CªÉÄÃjPÁzÀ ¸Áå£ï¥Áæ¤ì¸ÉÆÌzÀ°è Organisation for Minorities of India  ¸ÀAWÀl£ÉAiÀÄÄ ²æÃN ¨sÀd£ï¹AUï gÀªÀgÀ £ÉÃvÀÈvÀézÀ°è ¢£ÁAPÀ:28-03-2011 gÀAzÀÄ ªÀiÁrgÀĪÀ Ambedkar Rally AiÀÄ°è §¼À¹gÀĪÀ µÉÆõÀuÉUÀ¼ÀÄ §ºÀıÀ: ¨sÁgÀwÃAiÀÄ UÁA¢üªÁ¢UÀ½UÉ CWÁvÀPÁj J¤¸À§ºÀÄzÀÄÀ  CªÀÅUÀ¼À ¥ÀnÖ »ÃVzÉ

1.    Gandhi father of violence

2.   Gandhi’s  Hindu Caste

Varnashrama Dharma - Mother of all corruptions

3.   Stop Corruption,  Free minorities,Free India

4.   Ambedkar - Father of India’s poor

Gandhi Creator of poor

5.   Gandhi = Corruption

6.   Reject the Upper Caste Dandi March, Stop Racism  , Castiesm,  Corruption.

7.   Gandhi + Castiesm= Corruption.

8.   Gandhi  the choice for Corruption.

9.   Corruption Starts with Gandhi

10. Gandhi + Dandi = Corruption.

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        ¨Á¨Á ¸ÁºÉçgÀÄ ºÉüÀÄvÁÛgÉ “MAzÀƪÀgÉ PÉÆÃnVAvÀ ºÉZÀÄÑ d£À¸ÀASÉå EgÀĪÀ ªÀÄÄA§¬ÄAiÀÄAvÀºÀ ¥ÁæAvÀåPÉÌ 27 ®PÀë gÀÆ ¤ÃrzÀÝgÉ  ¸ÀĪÀiÁgÀÄ 4 PÉÆÃn d£À¸ÀASÉåAiÀÄļÀî  ¸ÀAAiÀÄÄPÀÛ ¥ÁæAvÀå ªÀÄvÀÄÛ ªÀÄzÁæ¹UÉ vÀ¯Á 5 ®PÀëQÌAvÀ ºÉaÑUÉ ¤Ãr®è.  ºÀt «vÀgÀuÉUÉ  AiÀiÁªÀÅzÉà vÀvÀé CxÀªÁ ¸ÀÆvÀæ EgÀ¢gÀĪÀÅzÀÆ C®èzÉ ®eÁâ¸ÀàzÀªÁzÀ ¸ÁéxÀð JzÀÄÝ PÁtÄvÀÛzÉ. 3 ªÀµÀðUÀ¼À°è «vÀj¸À¯ÁzÀ 49.5 ®PÀë gÀÆ.UÀ¼À°è  UÁA¢üAiÀĪÀgÀ UÀÄdgÁwUÉ 26 1/2 ®PÀë zÉÆgÉwzÀÝgÉ,  ¨sÁgÀvÀzÀ G½zɯÁè ¨sÁUÀUÀ½UÉ PÉêÀ® 23 ®PÀë ¤ÃqÀ¯ÁVzÉ. AiÀiÁjUÉ AiÀiÁªÀ GzÉÝñÀPÁÌV ªÀÄAdÆj ªÀiÁqÀ¯Á¬ÄvÀÄ JA§ÄzÀ£ÀÄß  CjAiÀÄ®Ä CªÀPÁ±ÀªÁUÀ°Ã,  CzÀPÉÌ ¤AiÀÄAvÀætªÁUÀ°Ã EgÀ°®è. F PɼÀV£À CAQ CA±ÀªÀ£ÀÄß UÀªÀĤ¹.

    AiÀiÁªÀ GzÉÝñÀPÁÌV JAzÀÄ ºÉüÀzÉ RZÀÄð ªÀiÁqÀ®Ä ªÀåQÛUÀ½UÉ ¤ÃqÀ¯ÁzÀ ºÀt .

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ªÀiË°é  §zÀÄæ¯ïºÀ¸À£ï	40,000-00	¢£ÁAPÀ: 20, 21 ªÀÄvÀÄÛ 22 gÀAzÀÄ 1922 gÀ°è PÀ®ÌvÁÛ PÁAiÀÄðPÁj                              ¸À¨sÉAiÀÄ°è ªÀÄAdÆgÁzÀzÀÄÝ.
n.¥ÀæPÁ±ÀªÀiï	7000-00	ªÉÄà 12, 13, 1922 gÀ ªÀÄÄA¨ÉÊ  ¸À¨sÉAiÀÄ°è ªÀÄAdÆgÁzÀzÀÄÝ.
gÁdUÉÆÃ¥Á® ZÁj	1000-00	1922 dÆ£ï 06,07 ªÀÄvÀÄÛ 10 gÀ ®PÉÆßà ¸À¨sÉAiÀÄ°è ªÀÄAdÆgÁzÀzÀÄÝ.
§eÁeï	20, 000-00	1923 gÀ dįÉÊ 7,8, ªÀÄvÀÄÛ 10 £ÁUÀ¥ÀÄgÀ ¸À¨sÉAiÀÄ°è ªÀÄAdÆgÁzÀzÀÄÝ.
UÁA¢ü	1,00, 000-00	1921 gÀAzÀÄ PÀ®ÌvÁÛzÀ°è ¥sɧæªÀj 01,02 ªÀÄvÀÄÛ 3 gÀ PÁAiÀÄðPÁj ¸À«Äw ¸À¨sÉAiÀÄ°è ªÀÄAdÆgÁzÀzÀÄÝ.

                   

 AiÀiÁªÀÅzÉà GzÉÝñÀPÁÌVAiÀÄÆ ¤UÀ¢ü¥Àr¸ÀzÉ ªÀÄvÀÄÛ AiÀiÁgÀ ºÉÆuÉAiÀÄÆ  E®èzÉ ¤ÃqÀ¯ÁzÀ ºÀt.

UÀÄdgÁvïUÉ  :	3,00,000.00
UÀÄdgÁvïUÉ  :	18,00,000.00
UÀÄdgÁvïUÉ  :	3,00,000.00
MlÄÖ:	24,00,000.00

  »ÃUÉ ºÉ¸Àj¸À¯ÁzÀ ªÀÄvÀÄÛ ºÀt ¥ÀqÉzÀªÀgÀ ¤ªÀðºÀuÉUÉ PÉÆqÀ¯ÁzÀ EµÀÄÖ zÉÆqÀØ ªÉÆvÀÛPÉÌ ¯ÉPÀÌPÉÆqÀ¯ÁVvÉÛÃ? CxÀªÁ ¨ÉãÁ«Ä ªÀåQÛUÀ¼ÀÄ F ºÀtªÀÀ£ÀÄß ¥ÀqÉzÀgÉÃ? JA§ÄzÀÄ UÉÆvÁÛV®è.F ¥Àæ±ÉßUÀ½UÉ vÀȦÛPÀgÀ GvÀÛgÀ zÉÆgÉvÀgÀÆ PÀÆqÀ, EAvÀºÀ zÀÄAzsÀÄUÁjPÉAiÀÄ ªÀÄvÀÄÛ ¤gÀxÀðPÀ ºÀÄZÀÄÑ ºÀtPÁ¹£À ¤ªÀðºÀuÉUÉ E£ÉÆßAzÀÄ ¤zÀ±Àð£À «gÀ°®èªÉA§ÄzÀÄ ¤¸ÀìA±ÀAiÀÄ. ºÁUÉAiÉÄà ¸ÁªÀðd¤PÀ ºÀtzÀ F jÃwAiÀÄ ªÀåªÀ¹ÞvÀ zÀgÉÆÃqÉ JA¢UÀÆ DVgÀ°®è. w®Pï ¸ÀégÁe濫ü¬ÄAzÀ D¸Àéø±ÀågÀ M½wUÁV ¥ÀæxÀªÀÄ DzsÀåvÉ ªÉÄÃ¯É ºÀt ¤ÃqÀ¨ÉÃPÉA§ ¤jÃPÉë EvÀÄÛ. PÀQëzÁgÀgÉà E®èzÉ ªÀQîgÀÄ gÁµÀÖçPÁÌV vÀªÀÄä ªÀÈwÛAiÀÄ£ÀÄß PÉÊ©lÖgÉAzÀÄ CªÀgÀÄ AiÀiÁªÀ PÁgÀtPÁÌV ©lÖgÉAzÀÄ w½zÀÄPÉƼÀÄîªÀ UÉÆÃfUÀÆ ºÉÆÃUÀzÉ, ¸Á«gÁgÀÄ gÀÆ¥Á¬ÄUÀ¼À£ÀÄß ¤ÃrzÀÄÝ, ±ÉÃA¢ E½¸ÀĪÀªÀgÀÄ vÀªÀÄä ªÀÈwÛ ©nÖzÀÝPÉÌ CªÀgÀ G¥À fêÀ£ÀPÁÌV ºÀt ¤ÃrzÀÄÝ ªÀÄvÀÄÛ EAxÀºÀ C£ÉÃPÀ C¥ÁæªÀiÁtÂPÀ ¤gÀÀxÀðPÀ PÉ®¸ÀPÁÌV ¸Á«gÁgÀÄ gÀÆ¥Á¬ÄUÀ¼À£ÀÄß ¤ÃrzÀ PÁAUÉæ¸ï, C¸Ààø±ÀågÀ »vÀPÁÌV £ÁåAiÀÄAiÀÄÄvÀªÁV C£ÀÄzÁ£À ¤ÃqÀ¨ÉÃQvÀÄÛ. DzÀgÉ EzÀPÉÌ §zÀ¯ÁV ¥ÀævÉåÃPÀ ¤¢üAiÉÆAzÀ£ÀÄß ¸ÁÞ¦¸À®Ä PÁAUÉæ¸ï ¸ÀÆa¹vÀÄ. ¤¢üAiÀÄ UÁvÀæ  5 ®PÀë EgÀ¨ÉÃPÉAzÀÄ CT®¨sÁgÀvÀ PÁAUÉæ¸ï ¤UÀ¢¥Àr¹vÀÄÛ. C¸Ààø±ÀågÀ GzÁÞgÀ C¥ÀæªÀÄÄR ªÀÄvÀÄÛ ¯Á¨sÀzÁAiÀÄPÀªÀ®èªÉAzÀÄ ¨sÁ«¹ CzÀ£ÀÄß PÉÆ£ÉUÉ 2 ®PÀëPÉÌ E½¸À¯Á¬ÄvÀÄ. 60 zÀ±À®PÀë C¸Ààø±ÀåjUÉ PÉêÀ® 2 ®PÀë gÀÆUÀ¼À£ÀÄß ¤UÀ¢üªÀiÁqÀ¯Á¬ÄvÀÄ.

   EzÀgÀ°è C¸Ààø±ÀågÀ GzsÁÞgÀPÁÌV ªÁ¸ÀÛªÀªÁV RZÀÄð ªÀiÁrzÀ ºÀtzÀ «ªÀgÀ »ÃVzÉ.

GzÉÝñÀ	ªÀÄAdÆgÁzÀ ºÀt
Rajamundri Depressed Classes Misson CAvÀåd PÁAiÀiÁð®AiÀÄ, CºÀªÀÄzÁ¨Ázï CAvÀåd PÁAiÀiÁð®AiÀÄ, CºÀªÀÄzÁ¨Ázï DAzÀæzÀ°è ¤ªÀÄä ªÀUÀðUÀ¼À PÁAiÀÄðPÀæªÀÄ	1000.00        5000.00        17381.00        7000.00
National Social Conference for Depressed Classes’s work ¤ªÀÄß ªÀUÀðUÀ¼ÀªÀgÀ PÉ®¸ÀPÁÌV vÀ«Ä¼ÀÄ£ÁqÀÄ f¯Áè ¥ÀæzÉñÀ PÁAUÉæ¸ï ¸À«ÄwUÉ	3000.00          10000.00
MlÄÖ	43381.00

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      UÁA¢üªÁzÀ ªÀÄvÀÄÛ »AzÀÄvÀéPÉÌ K£ÁzÀgÀÆ ªÀåvÁå¸À EzÉAiÉÄÃ? F §UÉÎ ¨Á¨Á ¸ÁºÉçgÀÄ »ÃUÉA¢zÁÝgÉ “ »AzÀÄvÀézÀ°è eÁw Ez,É UÁA¢üªÁzÀzÀ®Æè EzÉ, »AzÀÆ ªÀA±À¥ÁgÀA¥ÀAiÀÄðªÀ£ÀÄß M¦àzÉ. UÁA¢üªÁzÀªÀÇ EzÉà DVzÉ.  »AzÀÆ zsÀªÀÄð DPÀ¼À£ÀÄß ¥ÀÆf¸ÀÄvÀÛzÉ. UÁA¢üªÁzÀ EzÀ£ÀÄß CAVÃPÀj¹z.É »AzÀÆ PÀªÀÄð¹zÁÞAvÀzÀ°è £ÀA©PÉ EnÖzÉ. UÁA¢ªÁzÀªÀÇ EzÉà DVzÉ. »AzÀÆ zsÀªÀÄð ±Á¸ÀæöÛUÀ¼ÀÀ C¢üPÁgÀPÉÌ M¦àUÉ ¤ÃrzÉ. UÁA¢üªÁzÀªÀÇ EzÀ£ÀÄß M¦àzÉ. »AzÀÆ CªÀvÁgÀªÁzÀªÀ£ÀÄß M¦àzÉ UÁA¢üªÁzÀPÉÌ F §UÉÎ ¸ÀªÀÄäw EzÉ. DzÀÝjAzÀ ¸Áå£ï¥Áæ¤ì¸ÉÆÌÃzÀ CA¨ÉÃqÀÌgï ªÁ¢UÀ¼ÀÄ §¼À¹gÀĪÀ WÉÆõÀuÉUÀ¼ÀÄ CªÁ¸ÀÛ«PÀ J£À߯Á¢ÃvÉ? 

     ¨Á¨Á¸ÁºÉçgÀÄ ªÀÄÄAzÀĪÀjzÀÄ ºÉüÀÄvÁÛgÉ ‘’UÁA¢üAiÀĪÀjUÉ ªÀÄ£À¹ìzÀÝgÉ w®Pï ¸ÀégÁeï ¤¢ü¬ÄAzÀ PÁAUÉæ¹ìUÀgÀÄ ªÀåªÀ¸ÀÞwªÁV ®Æn ªÀiÁqÀÄwÛzÀÝ C¥ÁgÀ ºÀtªÀ£ÀÄß G½¹ CzÀ£ÀÄß C¸Ààø¸ÀåågÀ M½wUÁV G¥ÀAiÉÆÃV¸À§ºÀÄ¢vÀÄÛ. «avÀæªÉAzÀgÉ CªÀgÀÄ ªÀiË£ÀªÁVzÀÝgÀµÉÖ C®èzÉ EzÀPÀÆÌ £À£ÀUÀÆ ¸ÀA§AzsÀªÉà E®è JA§AvÉ ¤¶ÌçAiÀÄgÁVzÀÝgÀÄ.

      C¸Ààø±ÀågÀ PÀÄjvÀÄ  UÁA¢üÃfAiÀĪÀgÀ §ÆmÁnPÉAiÀÄÄPÀÛ  ¥ÉæêÀÄzÀ §UÉÎ ¢£ÁAPÀ: 20-04-1920 gÀ Young India  ¸ÀAaPÉAiÀÄ°è£À UÁA¢üAiÀĪÀgÀ F ªÀiÁvÀÄUÀ¼À£ÀÄß  ¨Á¨Á ¸ÁºÉçgÀÄ G¯ÉèÃT¸ÀÄvÁÛgÉ.

     “£À£ÀUÉ ¥ÀAZÀªÀÄgÀ ¸ÀªÀĸÉå £À£Àß fêÀQÌAvÀ®Æ ºÉZÀÄÑ ¦æAiÀĪÁVzÀÝgÀÆ PÀÆqÀ gÁ¶ÖçÃAiÀÄ ZÀ¼ÀĪÀ½UÉ ¸ÀA¥ÀÆtð UÀªÀÄ£À ¤ÃqÀĪÀÅzÀjAzÀ £À£ÀUÉ vÀȦÛAiÀÄÄAmÁVzÉ. zÉÆqÀØzÀgÀ°è ¸ÀtÚzÀÆ ¸ÉÃjgÀÄvÀÛzÉ JA§ÄzÀÄ £À£Àß RavÀ C©ü¥ÁæAiÀÄ’’

     ²æÃAiÀÄÄvÀ UÁA¢üAiÀĪÀgÀÄ ºÉÃUÉ ¨sÀæªÉÄAiÀÄ°èAiÀÄÆ DvÀä-vÀÈ¦Û ¥ÀlÄÖPÉƼÀègÉA§ÄzÀÄ F zÀÄgÀAvÀzÀ «µÁzÀ¤ÃAiÀÄ ¸ÀAUÀwAiÀiÁVzÉ. C¸Ààø±ÀågÀ GzÁÞgÀPÉÌ mÉÆAPÀPÀnÖ ¤AvÀ »AzÀÆUÀ¼À MAzÀÄ zÉÆqÀØ vÀAqÀªÉà EzÉ JAzÀÄ ºÉüÀĪÀÅzÀÄ, C¸Ààø±ÀågÀ£ÀÄß ªÀÄvÀÄÛ Erà ¥Àæ¥ÀAZÀªÀ£Éßà ªÀAa¸ÀĪÀ ªÀÄvÀÄÛ ªÀÄÆRðgÀ£ÁßV¸ÀĪÀ CzÀÄâvÀ ¨sÁæAwAiÉÄà DVzÉ. UÁA¢üAiÀĪÀgÀ EAvÀºÀ ¨sÁæAwUÀ½AzÁV C¸Ààø±ÀågÀ CµÉÖà KPÉ ErÃÉ zÉñÀ JAvÀºÀ zÀÄgÀAvÀUÀ¼À£ÀÄß JzÀÄj¸À¨ÉÃPÁ¬ÄvÉA§ÄzÀÄ PÉ®ªÉà d£ÀjUÉ UÉÆwÛgÀĪÀ ¸ÀAUÀw.  UÁA¢üAiÀĪÀgÀ ¥ÁæªÀiÁtÂPÀvÉAiÀÄ PÀxÉ »ÃVgÀĪÁUÀ ªÀÄvÀÄÛ ¸ÁévÀAvÀæöå §AzÀÄ 64 ªÀµÀðUÀ¼À £ÀAvÀgÀªÀÇ PÀ£ÁðlPÀzÀÀ CvÀåAvÀ ¥Àæ§ÄzÀÝ ¥ÀvÀæPÀvÀðgɤ¹PÉÆArgÀĪÀ Shri Dinesh Amin mattu  gÀªÀjUÉà  EzÀÄ w½AiÀÄ¢gÀĪÁUÀ ¥Á¥À CªÉÄÃjPÁzÀ UÁA¢ü PÁ®zÀ Einstin  gÀªÀjUÉ ºÉÃUÉ w½¢gÀ®Ä ¸ÁzsÀå?

      £À£ÀßAvÉ zÉñÀzsÀ C£ÉÃPÀ ¥ÀæeÁÕªÀAvÀgÀÄ F PɼÀPÀAqÀ ¥Àæ±ÉßUÀ¼À£ÀÄß PÉüÀÄwÛzÁÝgÉ.

1.     ²æà CuÁÚ ºÀeÁgÉ, ²æà CgÀ«AzÀ PÉÃfæªÁ¯ï, ²æà ±ÁAw ¨sÀƵÀuï, ²æà ¥Àæ±ÁAvï ¨sÀƵÀuï, ²æêÀÄw QgÀuï ¨ÉÃr gÀªÀgÀÄUÀ¼ÀÄ £ÁUÀjÃPÀ ¸ÀªÀiÁdzÀ ¥Àæw¤¢üUÀ¼ÁUÀĪÀÅzÁzÀgÉ zÉñÀzÀ 80 PÉÆÃn ªÀÄvÀzÁgÀjAzÀ ZÀÄ£Á¬ÄUÉÆArgÀĪÀ ªÀÄvÀÄÛ 120 PÉÆÃn d£ÀgÀ£ÀÄß ¥Àæw¤¢ü¸ÀĪÀ ¸ÀA¸ÀwÛ£À ¸ÀzÀ¸ÀågÀÄ C£ÁUÀjÃPÀ ¸ÀªÀiÁdzÀ ¥Àæw¤¢üUÀ¼ÉÃ?

2.    CuÁÚ ºÀeÁgÉ gÀªÀjVÃUÀÀ 75 ªÀµÀðzÀ ¥ÁæAiÀÄ, zÉñÀzÀ°è ¨sÀæµÁÖZÁgÀ«gÀĪÀ CA±À w½AiÀÄ®Ä CªÀjUÉ EµÀÄÖ ªÀµÀð ¨ÉÃPÁ¬ÄvÉà CxÀªÁ UÉÆwÛzÀÝgÀÆ CªÀgÀÄ E°èAiÀĪÀgÉUÉ ¸ÀĪÀÄä¤zÀÝzÉÝÃPÉ? EµÀÄÖ ¢üÃóWÀðPÁ®zÀ £ÀAvÀgÀ CªÀjUÉ ¹QÌzÀ ¥ÀæZÉÆÃzÀ£É CxÀªÁ ¸ÀÆéwð AiÀiÁªÀÅzÀÄ?

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avÀæ«lÄÖ ¨sÀæµÁÖZÁgÀzÀ «gÀÄzÀÝ ¥Àæw¨sÀl£É ªÀiÁrzÀgÀÄ. zÉñÀzÀ J¯Áè ªÀiÁzsÀåªÀÄUÀ¼ÀÄ CzÀ£ÀÄß QæPÉmï£ÀÄß £ÉÃgÀ¥Àæ¸ÁgÀ ªÀiÁqÀĪÀAvÉ ªÀiÁrzÀÝ F zÉñÀzÀ J¯Áè  ªÀiÁzsÀåªÀÄUÀ¼ÀÄ PÉÊUÁjPÉÆÃzsÀå«ÄUÀ½AzÀ¯Éà CxÀªÁ ªÀåºÁgÀUÀ½AzÀ¯Éà £ÀqÉAiÀÄÄwÛgÀĪÀÅzÀÄ ¸ÀļÀî®è .EªÀgÁgÀÆ RArvÀªÁVAiÀÄÆ ¥ÁæªÀiÁtÂPÀgÀ®è, SÁåvÀ aAvÀPÀgÁzÀ Kancha Ealaiah £ÀªÀgÀÄ vÀªÀÄä    The Post Hindu India  PÀÈwAiÀÄ°è F zÉñÀzÀ DyðPÀvÉAiÀÄ£ÀÄß »r¢lÄÖPÉÆArgÀĪÀ §¤AiÀiÁ ¸ÀªÀiÁdzÀ §UÉÎ §gÉAiÀÄÄvÁÛ CªÀgÀ£ÀÄß Social Smugglers  JAzÀÄ PÀgÉ¢zÁÝgÉ JAN Lokpal Bill  ªÁå¦ÛAiÀÄ°è F Social Smugglers RArvÀªÁVAiÀÄÆ §gÀ¯ÁgÀzÀÄ. EAxÀºÀ §¤AiÀiÁ ¸ÀªÀiÁdPÉÌ ¸ÉÃjzÀ UÁA¢ J£ï¹ÖÃ£ï ºÉÆUÀ¼ÀĪÀµÀÄÖ ¥ÀæªÀiÁtÂPÀªÁVgÀ°®èªÉA§ CA±À ¨Á¨Á ¸ÁºÉèï qÁ.©.Dgï CA¨ÉÃqÀÌgï §gÉ¢gÀĪÀ What Congress and Gandhi have done to untouchables?  JA§ PÀÈwAiÀÄ°è ¸Á©ÃvÁUÀÄvÀÛz.É CzÀÄ »ÃVzÉ 1942 gÀ dÆ£ï 6 £Éà vÁjÃRÄ UÁÀA¢ü eÉÆvÉ ²æà ®Æ¬Ä ¦üµÀgï £ÀqɹzÀ ¸ÀAzÀ±Àð£À CªÀgÀ ‘’ A week with Gandhi ‘’PÀÈwAiÀÄ°è ¥ÀæPÀlªÁVzÉ.

    

    ¢£ÁAPÀ: 25-04-11 gÀ ¸ÀAaPÉAiÀÄ°è ²æà ¢£Éñï C«ÄÃ£ï ªÀÄÄlÄÖ gÀªÀgÀÄ ªÀiÁrgÀĪÀ ‘’C£ÁªÀgÀt’’ gÀ°è CuÁÚ ºÀeÁgÉ CªÀgÀzÀ°è UÁA¢üfAiÀÄ£ÀÄß PÀt§AiÀĸÀĪÀ PÉÆÃlåAvÀgÀ d£ÀgÀ PÀtÂÚgÀ°è EAvÀºÀ ¸À¹è vÀ¥ÀÄ¥sÀUÀ¼ÀÄ zsÁªÀĤgÀ¸À£ÀªÀ£ÀÄßAlĪÀiÁqÀ §®èzÀÄ AiÀiÁPÉAzÀgÉ ºÁUÀÆ PÁ¹£À «µÀAiÀÄzÀ°è UÁA¢üf EAzsÀ£À ¸ÀtÚ vÀ¥ÀÄàUÀ¼À ªÀiÁrgÀ°è® ¸ÀĪÀiÁgÀÄ 20 ªÀµÀðUÀ¼À PÁ® ¸ÀUÀzsÀvÀ ºÉÆÃgÁlªÀ£ÀÄß ªÀÄÄ£ÀßqɹzÀÝ ªÀÄvÀÄÛ EzÀPÁÌV PÉÆÃAmÁåAvÀgÀ gÀÆ¥Á¬Ä¸ÁªÀðd¤PÀ ¤¢ ¸ÀAUÀæºÀ«zÀÝ°è UÁA¢üf «gÀÄzÀÝ ºÀt UÀÄgÀÄ«AiÉÆÃUÁzÀ ¸ÀtÚ ¸ÉÆîÄè PÀÆqÀ JwÛgÀ°®è JA¢zÁÝgÉ.

    CªÉÄÃjPÁzÀ ¸Áå£ï ¥Áæ¤ì¸ÉÆÌà zÀ°è    --------¸ÀAWÀl£ÉAiÀÄ  gÀªÀgÀ £ÀÈvÀÈvÀézÀ°è ¢£ÁAPÀ:28-03-2011 gÀAzÀÄ ªÀÄAr¸ÀĪÀ Ambedkar Rally AiÀÄ°è §¼À¹gÀĪÀ µÉÆõÀuÉUÀ¼ÀÄ §ºÀıÀ ¨sÁgÀwÃAiÀÄ UÁA¢ªÁ¢UÀ½UÉ CWÁvÀPÁj J¤¸ÀÄzÀÄ CªÀÅUÀ¼À  JµÀÄÖ

11.  Gandi father of violence

12. Gandi is hindu caste

varnashrama dharma mother of all corruptions

13. stop corruption .free minorcities,free india

14. ambedkar father of indias poor

Gandhi creator of poor

15. Gandhi  Corruption

16. Reject the upper caste dandi march stop

Racism  .castism. Corruption.

17. Gandhi +Castism - Corruption.

18. Gandhi the choice for Corruption.

19. Corruption.Starts with Gandhi

20                          andhi dandi Corruption.

   CªÉÄÃjPÁzÀ°è£À UÁA¢üêÁ¢UÀ¼ÀÄ Sandiago ¢AzÀ santrancisco  ªÀgÉUÉ ¨sÁgÀvÀzÀ ¨sÀæµÁÖZÁgÀzÀ «gÀÄzÀÝ ªÀiÁrzÀ zÀAr ªÀiÁZïðUÉ «gÀÄzÀݪÁV CªÉÄÃjPÁzÀ°è£À CA¨ÉÃqÀÌgï ªÁ¢UÀ¼ÀÄ UÁA¢ ¥ÀæwªÉÄ ªÀÄÄAzÉ Anti-Gandhi Rally  AiÀÄ£ÀÄß DAiÉÆÃf¹zÀÝgÀÄ EzÁzÀ PÉ®ªÉà ¢£ÀUÀ¼À°è CtÚ ºÀeÁgÉ gÀªÀgÀÄ UÁA¢ avÀæ«lÄÖ ¨sÀæµÁÖZÁgÀzÀ «gÀÄzÀÝ ¥Àæw¨sÀl£É ªÀiÁrzÀgÀÄ. zÉñÀzÀ J¯Áè ªÀiÁzsÀåªÀÄUÀ¼ÀÄ CzÀ£ÀÄß QæPÉmï£ÀÄß £ÉÃgÀ¥Àæ¸ÁgÀ ªÀiÁqÀĪÀAvÉ ªÀiÁrzÀÝ F zÉñÀzÀ J¯Áè  ªÀiÁzsÀåªÀÄUÀ¼ÀÄ PÉÊUÁjPÉÆÃzsÀå«ÄUÀ½AzÀ¯Éà CxÀªÁ ªÀåºÁgÀUÀ½AzÀ¯Éà £ÀqÉAiÀÄÄwÛgÀĪÀÅzÀÄ ¸ÀļÀî®è .EªÀgÁgÀÆ RArvÀªÁVAiÀÄÆ ¥ÁæªÀiÁtÂPÀgÀ®è, SÁåvÀ aAvÀPÀgÁzÀ Kancha Ealaiah £ÀªÀgÀÄ vÀªÀÄä    The Post Hindu India  PÀÈwAiÀÄ°è F zÉñÀzÀ DyðPÀvÉAiÀÄ£ÀÄß »r¢lÄÖPÉÆArgÀĪÀ §¤AiÀiÁ ¸ÀªÀiÁdzÀ §UÉÎ §gÉAiÀÄÄvÁÛ CªÀgÀ£ÀÄß Social Smugglers  JAzÀÄ PÀgÉ¢zÁÝgÉ JAN Lokpal Bill  ªÁå¦ÛAiÀÄ°è F Social Smugglers RArvÀªÁVAiÀÄÆ §gÀ¯ÁgÀzÀÄ. EAxÀºÀ §¤AiÀiÁ ¸ÀªÀiÁdPÉÌ ¸ÉÃjzÀ UÁA¢ J£ï¹ÖÃ£ï ºÉÆUÀ¼ÀĪÀµÀÄÖ ¥ÀæªÀiÁtÂPÀªÁVgÀ°®èªÉA§ CA±À ¨Á¨Á ¸ÁºÉèï qÁ.©.Dgï CA¨ÉÃqÀÌgï §gÉ¢gÀĪÀ What Congress and Gandhi have done to untouchables?  JA§ PÀÈwAiÀÄ°è ¸Á©ÃvÁUÀÄvÀÛz.É CzÀÄ »ÃVzÉ 1942 gÀ dÆ£ï 6 £Éà vÁjÃRÄ UÁÀA¢ü eÉÆvÉ ²æà ®Æ¬Ä ¦üµÀgï £ÀqɹzÀ ¸ÀAzÀ±Àð£À CªÀgÀ ‘’ A week with Gandhi ‘’PÀÈwAiÀÄ°è ¥ÀæPÀlªÁVzÉ.

¥Àæ±Éß:- PÁAUÉæ¸ï ¥ÀPÀëzÀ §UÉÎ £Á£ÀÄ vÀªÀÄä°è §ºÀ¼À ¥Àæ±ÉßUÀ¼À£ÀÄß PÉüÀĪÀÅ¢vÀÄÛ. zÉÆqÀغÀÄzÉÝUÀ¼À°ègÀĪÀ PÉ®ªÀÅ ©ænµÀgÀÄ £À£ÀUÉ ºÉýzÀ ¥ÀæPÁgÀ PÁAUÉæÃs±ï zÉÆqÀØ ªÁtÂeÉÆåÃzÀå«ÄUÀ¼À PÉÊAiÀÄ°èzÉ. ²æà UÁA¢üAiÀĪÀjUÉ ªÀÄÄA¨ÉÊ VgÀt ªÀiÁ°ÃPÀgÀ ¨ÉA§®«zÉ. ²æà UÁA¢ü PÉýzÀµÀÄÖ ºÀtªÀ£ÀÄß CªÀgÀÄ PÉÆqÀÄvÁÛgÉ JA¨É¯Áè ªÀiÁvÀÄUÀ½ªÉ F ºÉýPÉUÀ¼À°è ¤dªÉµÉÖAzÀÄ UÁA¢üAiÀĪÀgÀ£ÀÄß £Á£ÀÄ PÉýzÉ.  CzÀPÉÌ UÁA¢AiÀĪÀgÀ unfortunately it is true,  vÀ£Àß PÉ®¸À ¤ªÀð»¸À®Ä PÁAUÉæ¹ìUÉ ºÀtÀ«®è DgÀA¨sÀzÀ°è ¥Àæw ¸ÀzÀ¸ÀåjAzÀ £Á¯ÁÌuÉ ¸ÀAUÀ滹 ¥ÀPÀëzÀ ZÀlĪÀnPÉ £ÀqɸÀ¨ÉÃPÉAzÀÄ PÉÆ0rzÉݪÀÅ DzÀgÉ CzÀÄ ¸ÁzsÀåªÁUÀ°®è.

¥Àæ±Éß:- (¦üµÀgï) ²æêÀÄAvÀ ¨sÁgÀwÃAiÀÄjAzÀ §gÀĪÀ ºÀtzÀ°è JµÀÖgÀ ªÀÄnÖUÉ PÁAUÉæ¸ï£À ªÉZÀѪÀ£ÀÄß ¨sÀj¸À§ºÀÄzÀÄ?

UÁA¢:- ‘’ºÉZÀÄÑ PÀrªÉÄ J¯Áè RZÀð£ÀÄß F D±ÀæªÀÄzÀ°è £ÁªÀÅ »ÃVgÀĪÀÅzÀQÌAvÀ PÉlÖzÁÝV §zÀÄPÀÄwÛzÉݪÀÅ,  DzÀgÉ ²æêÀÄAvÀ ¸ÉßûvÀgÀÄ ºÀt ¤ÃqÀÄwÛgÀĪÀÅzÀjAzÀ £ÁªÀÅ D jÃw §zÀÄPÀÄwÛ®è.  ºÉZÀÄÑ PÀrªÉÄ J¯Áè RZÀð£ÀÄß CªÀgÉà ¨sÀj¸ÀÄwÛzÁÝgÉ.’’

       ¨ÁæºÀät ªÀÄvÀÄÛ §¤AiÀiÁUÀ¼À ¸ÀA§AzsÀzÀ §UÉÎ ¨Á¨Á¸ÁºÉçgÀÄ »ÃUÉ£ÀÄßvÁÛgÉ. ‘’EzÀÄ ªÁtÂdåAiÀÄÄUÀ FUÀ PÀwÛVAvÀ ºÀtzÀ ¥ÁvÀæªÉà ªÀÄÄRå CµÉÖà C®èzÉ gÁdQÃAiÀÄ gÀxÀ £ÀqɸÀ®Ä ºÀt ªÀÄÄRå DzÀÝjAzÀ¯Éà ¨ÁæºÀätgÀÄ §¤AiÀiÁ eÉÆvÉ ¸ÉÃjzÁÝgÉ §¤AiÀiÁ PÁAUÉæ¸ïUÉ ºÀt PÉÆqÀÄwÛgÀĪÀÅzÀPÉÌ PÁgÀt gÁdQÃAiÀÄzÀ°è ºÀÆrzÀ º

¥Àæ±Éß:- (¦üµÀgï) ²æêÀÄAvÀ ¨sÁgÀwÃAiÀÄjAzÀ §gÀĪÀ ºÀtzÀ°è JµÀÖgÀ ªÀÄnÖUÉ PÁAUÉæ¸ï£À ªÉZÀѪÀ£ÀÄß ¨sÀj¸À§ºÀÄzÀÄ?

UÁA¢:- ‘’ºÉZÀÄÑ PÀrªÉÄ J¯Áè RZÀð£ÀÄß F D±ÀæªÀÄzÀ°è £ÁªÀÅ »ÃVgÀĪÀÅzÀQÌAvÀ PÉlÖzÁÝV §zÀÄPÀÄwÛzÉݪÀÅ,  DzÀgÉ ²æêÀÄAvÀ ¸ÉßûvÀgÀÄ ºÀt ¤ÃqÀÄwÛgÀĪÀÅzÀjAzÀ £ÁªÀÅ D jÃw §zÀÄPÀÄwÛ®è.  ºÉZÀÄÑ PÀrªÉÄ J¯Áè RZÀð£ÀÄß CªÀgÉà ¨sÀj¸ÀÄwÛzÁÝgÉ.’’

       ¨ÁæºÀät ªÀÄvÀÄÛ §¤AiÀiÁUÀ¼À ¸ÀA§AzsÀzÀ §UÉÎ ¨Á¨Á¸ÁºÉçgÀÄ »ÃUÉ£ÀÄßvÁÛgÉ. ‘’EzÀÄ ªÁtÂdåAiÀÄÄUÀ FUÀ PÀwÛVAvÀ ºÀtzÀ ¥ÁvÀæªÉà ªÀÄÄRå CµÉÖà C®èzÉ gÁdQÃAiÀÄ gÀxÀ £ÀqɸÀ®Ä ºÀt ªÀÄÄRå DzÀÝjAzÀ¯Éà ¨ÁæºÀätgÀÄ §¤AiÀiÁ eÉÆvÉ ¸ÉÃjzÁÝgÉ §¤AiÀiÁ PÁAUÉæ¸ïUÉ ºÀt PÉÆqÀÄwÛgÀĪÀÅzÀPÉÌ PÁgÀt gÁdQÃAiÀÄzÀ°è ºÀÆrzÀ ºÀt¢AzÀ ºÉZÀÄÑ ¯Á¨sÀ«zÉ JA§ w¼ÀĪÀ½PɬÄAzÀ EzÀ£ÀÄß CªÀjUÉ ºÉýPÉÆlÖzÀÄÝ UÁA¢.’’

        1921, 1922 ªÀÄvÀÄÛ 1923 gÀ°è PÁAUÉæ¸ï ¸ÀAUÀ滹zÀ ‘’ w®Pï ¸ÀégÁe濫üUÉ  PÀæªÀĪÁV 1,01,64,010-00 13,37,982-00 ªÀÄvÀÄÛ 9,75, 090.00 MlÄÖ 1.24.77.082.00 gÀÆUÀ¼À£ÀÄß ¸ÀAUÀ滸À¯Á¬ÄvÀÄ.  F ºÀtªÀ£ÀÄß ¥ÁæAvÀåªÁgÀÄ «vÀj¹zÀ «ªÀgÀ »ÃVzÉ.

¥ÀnÖ- 1

¥ÁæAvÀåªÁgÀÄ	PÉÆqÀ¯ÁzÀ ºÀt	d£À¸ÀASÉå	d£À¸ÀASÉå DzsÀj¹ ¤ÃqÀ¨ÉîV
CT® ¨ÁsÀgÀvÀ	4,94,000	22,74,38,000	-	10
ªÀÄÄA¨Á¬Ä	26,92,381	1,60,623,	8%	54.3%
	5,05,000	4,23,19,000	18&	10 %
©ºÁgÀ §j¸Áì	5,65,000	3,38,20,000	15%	11.3%
GvÀÛgÀ ¥ÀæzÉñÀ	3,11,200	4,53,76,000	20%	6.26%
¹Azï	1,13,000	32,79,377	-	2.2%
C¸ÁìA	51,080	67,35,000	3%	1.1%
§AUÁ¼À	50,00,00	4,62,41,000	20%	1.%
¹.¦	47,000-00	1,27,80,000	5%	93%
¥ÀAeÁeï	45,00,000	2,06,75,000	9%	9%
ºÉÊzÀgÀ¨Ázï	40,000-00			8%
CfäÃgï	25,000			5%
«zÉñÀ	14,000-00			28%
DºÁgÀ

¥ÀnÖ-2

¥ÀnÖ

        ¨Á¨Á ¸ÁºÉçgÀÄ ºÉüÀÄvÁÛgÉ MAzÀƪÀgÉ PÉÆÃnVAvÀ ºÉZÀÄÑ d£À¸ÀASÉå EgÀĪÀ ªÀÄÄA§¬ÄAiÀÄAvÀºÀ ¥ÁæAvÀåPÉÌ 27 ®PÀë gÀÆ ¤ÃrzÀÝgÉ  ¸ÀĪÀiÁgÀÄ 4 PÉÆÃn d£À¸ÀASÉåAiÀÄļÀî  ¸ÀAAiÀÄÄPÀÛ ¥ÁæAvÀå ªÀÄvÀÄÛ ªÀÄzÁæ¹UÉ vÀ¯Á 5 ®PÀëQÌAvÀ ºÉaÑUÉ ¤Ãr®è.  ºÀt «vÀgÀtUÉ  AiÀiÁªÀÅzÉà vÀvÀé CxÀªÁ ¸ÀÆvÀæ EgÀ¢gÀĪÀÅzÀÆ C®èzÉ ®eÁâ¸ÀàzÀªÁzÀ ¸ÁéxÀð JzÀÄÝ PÁtÄvÀÛzÉ 3 ªÀµÀðUÀ¼À°è «vÀj¸À¯ÁzÀ 491/2 ®PÀë gÀÆ.UÀ¼À°è  UÁA¢üAiÀĪÀgÀ UÀÄdgÁwUÉ 26 1/2 ®PÀë zÉÆgÉwÛzÀÝgÉ  ¨sÁgÀvÀzÀ G½zɯÁè ¨sÁUÀUÀ½UÉ PÉêÀ® 23 ®PÀë ¤ÃqÀ¯ÁVzÉ EzÀjAzÀ 29 1/2 ®PÀë d£À¸ÀASÉå ºÁdgÁwUÉ  26 ½ ®PÀë zÉÆgÀQzÁÝgÉ 23 PÉÆÃnà d£À¸ÀASÉå ¨sÁgÀzÀ G½zÀ ¨sÁUÀUÀ½UÉ ºÀtªÀ£ÀÄ AiÀiÁjUÉ AiÀiÁªÀ GzÉÝñÀPÁÌV ªÀÄAdÆj ªÀiÁqÀ¯Á¬ÄvÀÄ JA§ÄzÀ£ÀÄß  CjAiÀÄ®Ä CªÀPÁ±ÀªÁUÀ° CzÀPÉÌ ¤AiÀÄAvÀætªÁUÀ° EgÀ°®è F PɼÀV£À CAQ CA±ÀªÀ£ÀÄß UÀªÀĤ¹.

    AiÀiÁªÀ GzÉÝñÀPÁÌV JAzÀÄ ºÉüÀzÉ RZÀÄð ªÀiÁqÀ®Ä ªÀåQÛUÀ½UÉ ¤ÃqÀ¯ÁzÀ ºÀt

ªÀåPÀÛ	ºÀt
ªÀiË°é §zÀÄæ¯ïºÀ¸À£ï	40,000-00	Apsil 20 21-22 gÀAzÀÄ 1922 gÀ°è PÀ®ÌvÁÛ                                       PÁAiÀÄðPÁj ¸À¨sÉAiÀÄ°è ªÀÄAdÆgÁzÀzÀÄÝ
Toprakasham	7000-00	(ªÉÄà 12-12 1922 gÀ ªÀÄÄA¨ÉÊ  ¸À¨sÉAiÀÄ°è ªÀÄAdÆgÁzÀzÀÄÝ
Rajagopalachari	1000-00	1922 dÆ£ï 06,07,10 gÀ PÉÆ°è ¸À¨sÉAiÀÄ°è ªÀÄAdÆgÁzÀzÀÄÝ                                      ¸À¨sÉ
¨Bajaj	20.000	dįÉÊ 7,8, ªÀÄvÀÄÛ 10 £ÁUÀ¥ÀÄgÀ ¸À¨sÉAiÀÄ°è ªÀÄAdÆgÁzÀzÀÄÝ
Gandhi                       1921	1,00.000	gÀAzÀÄ PÀ®ÌvÁzÀ°è Û d£ÀªÀj  ªÀÄvÀÄÛ ¥É§æªÀj 01-02-2 gÀ PÁAiÀÄðPÁj ¸À«Äw ¸À¨sÉAiÀÄ°è ªÀÄAdÆgÁzÀzÀÄÝ

                   

 AiÀiÁªÀÅzÉà GzÉÝñÀPÁÌVAiÀÄÆ ¤UÀ¢ü¥Àr¸ÀzÉ ªÀÄvÀÄÛ AiÀiÁgÀ ºÉÆuÉAiÀÄÆ  E®èzÉ ¤UÀ¢ü¥Àr¸À¯ÁzÀ ºÀt

UÀÄdgÁvïUÉ       3,00,000

‘’-‘’                 18,00,000

‘’-‘’                   3,00,00

   »ÃUÉ ºÉ¸Àj¸À¯ÁzÀ ªÀÄvÀÄÛ ºÀt ¥ÀqÉzÀªÀgÀ ¤ªÀðºÀuÉUÉ PÉÆqÀ¯ÁzÀ EµÀÄÖ zÉÆqÀØ ªÉÆvÀÛPÉÌ ¯ÉPÀÌPÉÆqÀ¯ÁVvÀÄÛ CxÀªÁ ¨ÉãÁ«Ä ªÀåQåUÀ¼ÀÄ F ºÀtªÀ£ÀÄß ¥ÀqÉzÀgÉà JA§ÄzÀÄ UÉÆvÁÛV®è   F ¥Àæ±ÉßUÀ½UÉ vÀȦÛPÀgÀ GvÀÛgÀ zÉÆgÉvÀgÀÆ PÀÆqÀ EAvÀºÀ zÀÄAzÀÄUÁjPÉAiÀÄ ªÀÄvÀÄÛ ¤gÀxÀðPÀ ºÀÄZÀÄÑ ºÀtPÁ¹£À ¤ªÀðºÀuÉUÉ E£ÉÆßÃAzÀÄ ¤zÀ±Àð£À «gÀ°®èªÉA§ÄzÀÄ ¤¸ÀìA±ÀAiÀÄ ºÁUÉAiÉÄà ¸ÁªÀðd¤PÀ ºÀtzÀ F jÃwAiÀÄ ªÀåªÀ¹ÞvÀ zÀgÉÆÃqÉ JA¢UÀÆ DVgÀ°®è ¸ÀégÁe濫ü¬ÄAzÀ D¸Àéø±ÀågÀ M½wUÁV ¥ÀæxÀªÀÄ DzsÀåvÉ ªÉÄÃ¯É ºÀt ¤ÃqÀ¨ÉÃPÉA§ ¤jÃPÉë EvÀÄÛ PÀQëzÁgÀgÉà E®èzÉ ªÀQîgÀÄ gÁµÀÖçPÁÌV vÀªÀÄä ªÀÈwÛAiÀÄ£ÀÄß PÉÊ©lÖgÉAzÀÄ CªÀgÀÄ AiÀiÁªÀ PÁgÀtPÁÌV ©lÖgÉAzÀÄ w½¢PÉƼÀÄîªÀ UÉÆÃfUÀÆ ºÉÆÃUÀzÉ ¸Á«gÁgÀÄ gÀÆ.UÀ¼À£ÀÄß ¤ÃrzÀÄÝ  ±ÉÃA¢ E½¸ÀĪÀªÀgÀÄ vÀªÀÄä ªÀÈwÛ ©nÖzÀÝPÉÌ CªÀgÀ G¥À fêÀ£ÀPÁÌV ºzÀÆgÀÄ ©ÃrzÀÄÝ ªÀÄvÀÄÛ EAxÀºÀ C£ÉÃPÀ C¥ÁæªÀiÁtÂPÀ ¤gÀÀxÀðPÀ PÉ®¸ÀPÁÌV ¸Á«gÁgÀÄ gÀÆUÀ¼À£ÀÄß ¤ÃrzÀ PÁAUÉæ¸ï D¸Ààø±ÀågÀ »vÀPÁÌV £ÁåAiÀÄAiÀÄÄvÀªÁV C£ÀÄzÁ£À ¤ÃqÀ¨ÉÃPÁVvÀÄÛ DzÀgÉ EzÀPÉÌ §zÀ¯ÁV ¥ÀævÉåÃPÀ ¤¢üAiÉÆAzÀ£ÀÄß ¸ÁÞ¦¸À®Ä PÁAUÉæÃ¸ï ¸ÀÆa¹vÀÄ ¤¢üAiÀÄ UÁvÀæ  5 ®PÀë EgÀ¨ÉÃPÉAzÀÄ CT®¨sÁgÀvÀ PÁAUÉæ¸ï ¤UÀ¢¥Àr¹vÀÄÛ. C¸Ààø±ÀågÀ GzÁÞgÀ C¥ÀæªÀÄÄR ªÀÄvÀÄÛ ¯Á¨sÀzÁAiÀÄPÀªÀ®èªÉAzÀÄ ¨sÁ«¹ CzÀ£ÀÄß PÉÆ£ÉUÉ 2 ®PÀëPÉÌ E½¸À¯Á¬ÄvÀÄ 60 zÀ±À®PÀë D¸Ààø±ÀåjUÉ PÉêÀ® 2 ®PÀë gÀÆUÀ¼À£ÀÄß ¤UÀ¢üªÀiÁqÀ¯Á¬ÄvÀÄ.

      EzÀgÀ°è C¸Ààø±ÀågÀ GzsÁÞgÀPÁÌV ªÁ¸ÀÛªÀªÁV RZÀÄð ªÀiÁrzÀ ºÀtzÀ «ªÀgÀ »ÃVzÉ.

GzÉÝñÀ	ªÀÄAdÆgÁzÀ ºÀt
Rajamundri Depressed classes vision CAvÀåd PÁAiÀiÁð®AiÀÄ CºÀªÀÄzÁ¨Ázï    ‘’-‘’ DAzÀæzÀ°è ¤ªÀÄä ªÀUÀðUÀ¼À PÁAiÀÄðPÀæªÀÄ	1000        5000        17.38        7000
National Social Conference for Depressed classes work ¤ªÀĪÀÄ ªÀUÀðUÀ¼ÀªÀgÀ PÉ®¸ÀPÁÌV vÀ«Ä¼ÀÄ f¯Áè ¥ÀæzÉñÀ PÁAUÉæÃ¸ï ¸À«ÄwUÉ	3000        10,000
MlÄÖ	43,381.00

      PÁAUÉæ¸ï vÀ£Àß ¨ÁzÉÆÃð° PÁAiÀÄðPÀæªÀÄ JAzÀÄ ¥Àæ¹¢ÞAiÀiÁVzÀÝ gÀZÀ£ÁvÀäPÀ PÁAiÀÄðPÀæªÀÄPÉÌ RZÀÄð ªÀiÁrzÀ 49.5 ®PÀë gÀÆUÀ¼ÀUÉ ºÉÆð¹zÀgÉ  PÉêÀ® 43.381gÀÆ. UÀ¼À£ÀßµÉÖ C¸Ààø±ÀåjUÉ  RZÀÄð ªÀiÁrvÀÄ EzÀQÌAvÀ ºÉaÑ£À PÀ¥ÀmÁZÀgÀuÉ EgÀ®Ä ¸ÁzsÀåªÉÃ?

      UÁÀ¢üªÁzÀ ªÀÄvÀÄÛ »AzÀÄvÀéPÀÆÌ E£ÁßzÀgÀÆ ªÀåvÁå¸À EzÉAiÉÄÃ? F §UÉÎ ¨Á¨Á ¸ÁºÉçgÀÄ »ÃUÉA¢zÁÝgÉ, ‘’»AzÀÄvÀézÀ°è eÁw Ez,É UÁA¢üªÁzÀzÀ®Æè EzÉ, »AzÀÆ ªÀA±À¥ÁgÀA¥AiÀÄðªÀ£ÀÄß M¦àzÉ UÁA¢üªÁzÀªÀÇ EzÀ£ÀÄß M¦àzÉ »AzÀÆ zsÀªÀÄð DPÀ¼À£ÀÄß ¥ÀÆf¸ÀÄvÀÛzÉ UÁA¢üªÁzÀ EzÀ£ÀÄß CAVÃPÀj¹z.É »AzÀÆ PÀªÀÄð¹zÁÞAvÀzÀ°è £ÀA©PÉ EnÖzÉ UÁA¢ªÁzÀªÀÇ EzÉà DVzÉ »AzÀÆ zsÀªÀÄð ±Á¸ÀæöÛUÀ¼ÀÀ C¢üPÁgÀPÉÌ M¦àUÉ ¤ÃrzÉ UÁA¢üªÁzÀªÀÇ EzÀ£ÀÄß M¦àzÉ »AzÀÆ CªÀvÁgÀªÁzÀªÀ£ÀÄß M¦àzÉ UÁA¢üªÁzÀPÉÌ F §UÉÎ ¸ÀªÀÄäw EzÉ DzÀÝjAzÀ ¸Áå£ï ¥Áæ¤ì¸ÉÆÌÃzÀ CA¨ÉÃqÀÌgï ªÁ¢UÀ¼ÀÄ §¼À¹gÀĪÀ µÉÆõÀuÉUÀ¼ÀÄ CªÁ¸ÀÛ«PÀ J£À߯Á¢ÃvÉ? 

     ¨Á¨Á¸ÁºÉçgÀÄ ªÀÄÄAzÀĪÀjzÀÄ ºÉüÀÄvÁÛgÉ ‘’UÁA¢üAiÀĪÀjUÉ ªÀÄ£À¹ìzÀÝgÉ w®Pï ¸ÀégÁeï ¤¢ü¬ÄAzÀ PÁAUÉæ¹ìUÀgÀÄ ªÀåªÀ¸ÀÞwªÁV ®Æn ªÀiÁqÀÄwÛzÀÝ C¥ÁgÀ ºÀtªÀ£ÀÄß G½¹ CzÀ£ÀÄß D¸ÀàøvÀågÀ M½wUÁV G¥ÀAiÉÆÃV¸À§ºÀÄ¢vÀÄÛ «avÀæªÉAzÀgÉ CªÀgÀÄ ªÀiË£ÀªÁVzÀÝgÀµÉÖ C®èzÉ EzÀPÀÆÌ £À£ÀUÀÆ ¸ÀA§AzsÀªÉà E®èªÉ JA§AvÉ CªÀgÀÄ ¸ÀĪÀÄä£É EzÀÝgÀÄ.’’

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