Sullia: Subrahmanya Bandh on Made Snana a Huge Success Daijiworld Media Network – Sullia (SP) Sullia, Dec 6: The call for Subrahmanya bandh, given by devotees of Lord Subrahmanyeshwara Temple in protest against what they call as outside interferences in the affairs of the temple, efforts to meddle with sanctity and customs of the temple etc on Monday December 5 evoked total response. Thousands of devotees, local people and students, who participated in the protest meeting organized on the occasion, placed a rightful demand for the continuance of the Made Made Snana ritual, which people perform in conformity with their religious vow as a gesture of gratitude to the Lord for favours granted, particularly curing skin-related diseases. “A well-planned conspiracy to create a rift among the Hindu community has been hatched. People belonging to Malekudiya community, who enjoy a special status in the history and functioning of the temple, have always been staunch devotees of the Lord. They are backed by pure devotion towards the temple deity, and no one should try to incense them on this issue. Made Made Snana has not given rise to any problem to anyone. We at Subrahmanya have not found any adversity in this custom. How could people living far away have noticed them? Thousands of people have joined here to support the sanctity of the temple voluntarily. Made Made Snana is performed by devotees at their will and free of cost. Let the concerned conduct scientific tests and prove that it is harmful, before banning it. No one should test the tolerance levels of Hindus. This malicious propaganda appears to be aimed to stopping the exodus of devotees which the temple has been witnessing since the last many years,” he said. Acharya called upon Hindus to work as a united force to protest against wrongs their religious centres may be compelled to endure. He said he had been brought to Subrahmanya by his grandmother when he was 16, to seek the Lord’s blessings to cure the red blisters that had appeared on his body. He said he performed Made Made Snana and his ailment was cured, never to appear again till now. Lakshmissha Gabladka also asked the people not to allow their faiths and beliefs to get dented by efforts being made by unconnected people. He advised the officials coming to the temple to study the history, belief systems, and faith of the people, before meddling with its affairs. Sullia Block Congress president, Venkappa Gowda, expressed the opinion that orders which interfere with longstanding religious faiths of the devotees should never be issued. A number of people including leaders from Dalit and Malekudiya communities participated, and supported the continuance of Made Made Snana ritual in the temple. Rajesh N S welcomed. Harish Injady proposed vote of thanks. Satish Koojugodu presented the programme. http://www.daijiworld.com/news/news_disp.asp?n_id=123922 |
Showing posts with label Anti-Constitutional. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Anti-Constitutional. Show all posts
Monday, 12 December 2011
Sullia: Subrahmanya Bandh on Made Snana a Huge Success
Labels:
Anti-Constitutional,
Anti-Human,
Backward Castes OBC,
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Brahminism,
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Superstition
Made Snana kukke Subrahmanya temple
To fulfil vows, they rolled over on plantain leaves containing scraps of food | |
Devotees do 'Made Snana' at Kukke | |
Subrahmanya (DK dist), December 10, DHNS: | |
The controversial 'Urulu Seve' or the 'Made Snana' was observed by the devotees, amid protests at the Kukke Subrahmanya temple here on Friday. | |
An amusing sight was that of policemen were deployed in and around the temple in view of protests held by some organisations, taking part in ritual. The ritual, which believers say cures ailments has been practiced in the temple for the last several years. “Inhuman” Members of the Karnataka State Backward Classes Awareness Forum and Dalit-Backward-Minorities Co-ordination Forum gathered in front of the temple to protest against the practice which they described as “inhuman”. K Shivaram of the Backward Classes Forum said it was “unfortunate” that the ritual was being observed in a temple which was administered by the Muzrai Department. He urged the government to take take immediate measures to stop the “unhealthy” ritual. Such blind beliefs will endanger the devotees’ health, he stressed. The protesters met temple Executive Officer Ningaiah and presented him with a memorandum. The protest received lukewarm response from the public. Some of the devotees expressed their ire over the protest. | |
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‘Made snana' held on Krishna Math premises
The Hindu Devotees performing "Made Snana" in front of the Subrahmanya shrine in the Sri Krishna Math/Temple premises in Udupi on Wednesday.
Writer demands ban on the ritual in all temples
Over 20 people participated in ‘made snana' ritual held near the Subrahmanya shrine on the Sri Krishna Math/Temple premises here on Wednesday.
‘Made snana' is a ritual in which people roll on plantain leaves having leftovers of meal served to Brahmins.
Nearly 100 people had their meal near the Subrahmanya shrine in the afternoon. After receiving flowers, ‘tirtha' and ‘prasada' from Lakshmivara Tirtha Swami of Shiroor Math, over 20 devotees participated in ‘made snana'.
Dewan of the Shiroor Math P. Latavya Acharya said devotees roll over the leaves as part of a ‘harake' (offering) in return for fulfilment of a wish.
“The practice has been going on here since the last 500 years. Those who cannot go to Kukke Subrahmanya come here (to perform the ritual),” he said.
Asked about the controversy over ‘made snana' at the Kukke Subrahmanya temple, Lakshmivara Tirtha told presspersons that people had belief in the ritual since a long time. “If we don't allow the conduct of the ritual, it will amount to betrayal of the trust of the devotees,” he said.
Gururaj Bhat of Pernankila village in Udupi district, who participated in the ritual, said he had been participating in it for the last eight years.
“Good things have happened to me due to ‘made snana',” Mr. Bhat claimed.
The ritual is held in Subrahmanya and Vasuki temples in the region on Subrahmanya Shashti day.
Ban sought
Writer and social critic G. Rajashekhar said the Government should ban the ritual in all temples of the State.
“The Government has set a precedent by banning social evils such as ‘bettale seve' (worship in the nude) at Chandragutti, ‘ajalu paddhati' in the coastal districts and animal sacrifice in temples. There is no weight in the argument that ‘made snana' involves the belief of people and hence is sacrosanct. There is humiliation of the lower castes involved in the ritual,” he said.
http://www.thehindu.com/news/states/karnataka/article2675445.ece
http://www.thehindu.com/news/states/karnataka/article2675445.ece
Labels:
Anti-Constitutional,
Anti-Human,
Brahminism,
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Vedike to protest against ‘made snana' today
Karnataka Komu Souharda Vedike on Friday urged the Government to issue an Ordinance banning “made snana” in some temples in the State.
Vedike convener K. L. Ashok told presspersons here that the ritual was in vogue in temples at Kukke Subrahmanya, Udupi, Perdoor, and Belman in the coastal belt. He said it was a superstitious belief that ‘made snana' cured skin ailments. Among those who practised the ritual, Brahmins were in less number and a majority of them were Dalit and “Shudra” . The ritual was a conspiracy by “Purohitashahi” sections of society to ensure that lower sections of society remained slaves to them. Mr. Ashok said its practise, was against the principles of the Constitution. Mr. Ashok said the vedike would stage a protest in front of the Deputy Commissioner's office here on Saturday at 4 p.m. .
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Dalit groups demand ban on the ritual
Staff Correspondent
The Karnataka Dalit Sangharsha Samiti (B. Krishnappa), the Samata Sainik Dal (SSD), and the Bahujan Samaj Party staged a dharna in front of the Deputy Commissioner's office here demanding a ban on made snana at Kukke Subrahmanya temple and other temples in Udupi and Dakshina Kannada districts.
Samata Sainik Dal district unit president Vishwanath Petri said that it was a travesty that after 65 years of Independence people belonging to Dalit, Backward Classes and Minorities were still suffering at the hands of the Government and the priestly class.
Nothing illustrated this better than made snana where people belonging to weaker sections rolled on plantain leaves in which Brahmins had finished their meals.
What was even worse was that the practice was prevailing in the native districts of Chief Minister D.V. Sadananda Gowda and Higher Education Minister V.S. Acharya. In a memorandum submitted at the Deputy Commissioner's office following Saturday's dharna, DSS district unit president Ramesh Kotian said “made snana” was inhuman and unscientific and hence it should be abolished by the State Government.
The Kukke Subrahmanya Math swamiji, who had reportedly said that “made snana” was a question of faith or belief and should not be opposed, should be arrested under the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act.
Higher Education Minister V.S. Acharya, who was supporting “made snana”, should be dropped from the State Cabinet. Deputy Superintendent of Police Nagaraj who mistreated Mr. Shivaramu at the Kukke Subrahmanya police station should be dismissed from service and legal action initiated against him.
Labels:
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Made Snana is an inhuman practice
BANGALORE: Criticizing Higher Education Minister VS Acharya’s statement that ‘Made Snana’ is one’s own wish, writer K Marula Siddappa said, “Let him practise the inhuman ritual� himself.” Speaking after the inauguration of International Human Rights day and distribution of Manavatha awards organised by Nidumamidi Mutt and Manava Dharma Peeta, he said that the state has to take strong decisions against blind beliefs . Veerabhadra Channamalla Swamiji of Nidumamidi Mata said, “We should stop ‘Made Snana’, carrying night soil and other inhuman practices in the state.
http://ibnlive.in.com/news/made-snana-is-an-inhuman-practice/210775-60-119.html
Speaking on the occasion High Court Justice L Narayanaswamy said that employing dalits in such instances is a violation of human rights.
http://ibnlive.in.com/news/made-snana-is-an-inhuman-practice/210775-60-119.html
Labels:
Anti-Constitutional,
Anti-Human,
Backward Castes OBC,
Brahminism,
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Sunday, 30 October 2011
ಕಾಗೇರಿಯವರೇ, ಸರಕಾರಿ ಶಾಲೆಗಳ ಮೇಲೆ ಕಾಗೆ ಹಾರಿಸುವ ಪ್ರಯತ್ನ ಮಾಡದಿರಿ: ಸಾಹಿತಿ ದೇವನೂರ ಮಹಾದೇವ ಆಕ್ರೋಶ
ಮೈಸೂರು, ಅ. 30: ಮಕ್ಕಳ ಕೊರತೆಯ ನೆಪದಲ್ಲಿ ಸರಕಾರಿ ಶಾಲೆಗಳನ್ನು ಮುಚ್ಚುವುದೆಂದರೆ, ಅದು ಸರಕಾರ ತನ್ನ ಮುಖದ ಮೇಲೆ ತಾನೇ ಉಗಿದು ಕೊಂಡಂತೆ ಎಂದು ಸಾಹಿತಿ ದೇವನೂರ ಮಹಾದೇವ ವ್ಯಾಖ್ಯಾನಿಸಿದ್ದಾರೆ.
ದಲಿತ ಸಂಘರ್ಷ ಸಮಿತಿ ವತಿ ಯಿಂದ ನಗರದಲ್ಲಿ ರವಿವಾರ ಆಯೋ ಜಿಸಲಾಗಿದ್ದ ‘ದಲಿತ ಸಂಘರ್ಷ: ನೆನ್ನೆ-ಇಂದು-ನಾಳೆ’ ಎಂಬ ವಿಚಾರ ಗೋಷ್ಠಿಯಲ್ಲಿ ‘ದಸಂಸ ಹೋರಾಟದ ಪಯಣ’ ಎಂಬ ಪುಸ್ತಕ ಬಿಡುಗಡೆ ಮಾಡಿ ಅವರು ಮಾತನಾಡುತ್ತಿದ್ದರು.
ಪ್ರಸಕ್ತ ವರ್ಷ ಮೂರು ಸಾವಿರದಷ್ಟು ಸರಕಾರಿ ಶಾಲೆಗಳನ್ನು ಬಂದ್ ಮಾಡಲು ಸರಕಾರ ಮುಂದಾಗಿದೆ. ಆದರೆ ಕಳೆದ ಹತ್ತು ವರ್ಷಗಳ ಅವಧಿ ಯಲ್ಲಿ ಸುಮಾರು ಹತ್ತು ಸಾವಿ ರಕ್ಕೂ ಮಿಗಿಲಾಗಿ ಸರಕಾರಿ ಶಾಲೆಗಳನ್ನು ಸದ್ದು -ಗದ್ದಲವಿಲ್ಲದೆ ಮುಚ್ಚಲಾಗಿದೆ ಎಂಬ ಸಂಗತಿಯನ್ನು ಬಹಿರಂಗಪಡಿ ಸಿದ ಅವರು, ಆದುದರಿಂದ ಈ ಹತ್ತು ಸಾವಿರ ಶಾಲೆಗಳ ಪುನಾರಂಭಕ್ಕೆ ಆಗ್ರಹಿಸಿ ಹೋರಾಟ ನಡೆಯಬೇಕಿದೆ ಎಂದರು.
ಸರಕಾರಿ ಶಾಲೆಗಳಿಗೆ ಮಕ್ಕಳ ಕೊರತೆ ಉಂಟಾಗಲು ಸರಕಾರವೇ ಕಾರಣ. ಖಾಸಗಿ ಶಾಲೆಗಳಿಗೆ ಮನಬಂದಂತೆ ಪರವಾನಗಿ ನೀಡುವ ಮೂಲಕ ಸರಕಾರಿ ಶಾಲೆಗಳಿಗೆ ಮಕ್ಕಳು ದಾಖಲಾ ಗದಂತೆ ಮಾಡಿದ್ದೇ ಸರಕಾರ. ಆದು ದರಿಂದ ಸರಕಾರ ಹಾಗೂ ಖಾಸಗಿ ಶಾಲೆಗಳು ಒಳಸಂಚು ನಡೆಸಿ ಸರಕಾರಿ ಶಾಲೆಗ ಳನ್ನು ಮುಚ್ಚಿಸುತ್ತಿವೆ ಎಂದರು.
ಸರಕಾರ ಈ ವಿಷಯದಲ್ಲಿ ನಿಜವಾಗಿ ಯೂ ಪ್ರಾಮಾಣಿಕವಾಗಿದ್ದರೆ, ಖಾಸಗಿ ಶಾಲೆಗಳನ್ನು ಮುಚ್ಚುವ ಮೂಲಕ ಸರಕಾರಿ ಶಾಲೆಗಳಿಗೆ ಮಕ್ಕಳ ದಾಖಲಾ ತಿಯನ್ನು ಹೆಚ್ಚಿಸಬಹುದು. ಆದರೆ ಹಾಗೆ ಮಾಡುವ ಬದಲು ಶಿಕ್ಷಣ ಸಚಿವ ವಿಶ್ವೇಶ್ವರ ಹೆಗ್ಡೆ ಕಾಗೇರಿ ಸರಕಾರಿ ಶಾಲೆಗಳ ಮೇಲೆ ಕಾಗೆ ಹಾರಿಸಲು ಹೊರಟಿದ್ದಾರೆ ಎಂದು ದೇವನೂರ ವ್ಯಂಗ್ಯವಾಡಿದರು.
ಜಾಗತೀಕರಣದ ನಂತರ ಜಗತ್ತು ಯಾವ ದಿಕ್ಕಿಗೆ ಓಡುತ್ತಿದೆ ಎಂಬುದೇ ಗೊತ್ತಾಗುತ್ತಿಲ್ಲ. ಪ್ರಸ್ತುತ ಜನಪ್ರತಿನಿಧಿ ಗಳು ನಿಜವಾದ ಪ್ರತಿನಿಧಿಗಳಾಗಿ ಉಳಿದಿಲ್ಲ. ವಿವೇಚನೆಯ ಮೂಲಕ ಅವರು ನಿರ್ಧಾರಗಳನ್ನು ತೆಗೆದುಕೊ ಳ್ಳುತ್ತಿಲ್ಲ. ಕಾರ್ಪೊರೇಟ್ ಸೆಕ್ಟರ್ ಮತ್ತು ಖಾಸಗಿ ಕಂಪೆನಿಗಳ ಕೈಗೆ ಆಡಳಿತವನ್ನು ಒಪ್ಪಿಸ ಲಾಗಿದೆ. ಅವರು ಸೂಚಿಸಿದಂತೆ ಜನಪ್ರ ತಿನಿಧಿಗಳು ಹೆಬ್ಬೆಟ್ಟಿನ ರುಜು ಹಾಕುತ್ತಿ ದ್ದಾರೆ. ಸರಕಾರ ಹಣ ಮಾಡುವ ದಂಧೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ತೊಡಗಿದೆ ಎಂದು ಸಾತ್ವಿಕ ಸಿಟ್ಟು ವ್ಯಕ್ತಪಡಿಸಿದ ಅವರು, ದುಡ್ಡಿಗಾಗಿ ಮಾತೃಭೂಮಿ ಯನ್ನೇ ಮಾರುವ ದೇಶ ಪ್ರೇಮಿಗಳಿಗೆ ಮಾತೃಭಾಷೆ ಯಾವ ಲೆಕ್ಕ ಎಂದು ಮೂದಲಿಸಿದರು.
ಹಿಂದೆ ಮನುಧರ್ಮ ಶಾಸ್ತ್ರದಲ್ಲಿ ಕೆಳವರ್ಗದವರಿಗೆ ಶಿಕ್ಷಣವನ್ನು ನಿರಾಕರಿ ಸಲಾಗಿತ್ತು. ಆದರೆ ಸಂವಿಧಾನ ಜಾರಿ ನಂತರ ಸರ್ವರಿಗೂ ಶಿಕ್ಷಣದ ಸೌಲಭ್ಯ ದೊರೆಯಿತು. ಆದರೆ ಸರಕಾರಗಳು ಏಕರೂಪ ಶಿಕ್ಷಣ ಪದ್ಧತಿಯನ್ನು ಜಾರಿಗೆ ತರಲಿಲ್ಲ. ಹೀಗಾಗಿ ಶಿಕ್ಷಣ ವಿಷಯದಲ್ಲಿ ಪ್ರಸ್ತುತ ಎರಡು ಸಂವಿಧಾನಗಳು ಜಾರಿಯಲ್ಲಿದ್ದಂತಿದೆ. ಖಾಸಗಿ ಶಾಲೆಗಳ ಮೂಲಕ ನಗರನಿವಾಸಿ ಮತ್ತು ಸ್ಥಿತಿವಂತರ ಮಕ್ಕಳಿಗೆ ಉತ್ತಮ ಶಿಕ್ಷಣ ನೀಡಲಾಗುತ್ತಿದ್ದರೆ, ಸರಕಾರಿ ಶಾಲೆಗಳ ಮೂಲಕ ಗ್ರಾಮೀಣ ಮತ್ತು ಬಡವರ ಮಕ್ಕಳಿಗೆ ಕಳಪೆ ಶಿಕ್ಷಣ ನೀಡಲಾಗುತ್ತಿದೆ. ಆದುದರಿಂದ ಕನಿಷ್ಠ ಏಕರೂಪ ಪ್ರಾಥಮಿಕ ಶಿಕ್ಷಣಕ್ಕಾಗಿ ಹೋರಾಟ ನಡೆಸಬೇಕಿದೆ ಎಂದು ಕರೆ ನೀಡಿದರು.
Labels:
Anti-Constitutional,
BJP,
DSS,
Hindutva,
karnataka Politics
Tuesday, 5 July 2011
Anna, will Lokpal probe divine money?
- By Kancha Ilaiah
Baba Ramdev is not willing to end his war against black money. He has now asked the government to unearth all black money — cash stashed away within the country as well as all the money parked in secret accounts in banks abroad.
Following Baba Ramdev’s exhortations, his disciples participated in hungerstrikes and agitations against black money. Likewise, Anna Hazare (who, incidentally, is a devotee of a Yadav baba whose temple is located in his own model village, Ralegaon Siddi) and his team are also opposed to black money and corruption and the Gandhian has threatened to go on hungerstrike again. Team Anna wants the Lokpal Bill dictated by them accepted as is and be made the law of the land. None of them, however, has so far said a word on the recent revelations of huge amounts of money and jewellery hidden in the vaults of temples and bedrooms of babas.
The treasure discovered at the Sree Padmanabha Swamy temple is worth Rs 1 lakh crore. And on June 17, Rs 11.5 crore in cash, 98 kg of gold and 307 kg of silver were found by Trust members when they opened Satya Sai Baba’s chambers at the Puttaparthi ashram after his death. It may be recalled that Baba Ramdev rushed to Puttaparthi to see the body of Satya Sai after he passed away. When Satya Sai was in the hospital, several “sacred” men and ministers from the Centre and states bemoaned that if he dies, ethics in India will also die.
One woman minister of Andhra Pradesh, in fact, camped beside his hospital bed for months. Several civil servants, judges and academics rushed to Puttaparthi. Now we have some idea why all this happened. It will be interesting to see what Baba Ramdev and Team Anna have to say about the officially declared wealth of the ashram, apart from the bundles shipped out of Satya Sai’s Yajur Mandir. Is this wealth black or white?
Will Baba Ramdev make a statement about the currency that was lying in Satya Sai’s bedroom, which was locked up when he was shifted to hospital? How do they define black money? Was the cash, gold and silver found in Yajur Mandir all white? If Mr Hazare, Baba Ramdev and their team members treat such money as black money, why are they silent on the course of action against it? Will the Lokpal Bill, which they are fighting for, also cover spiritual shrines of babas, temples, masjids, churches and gurdwaras? Does Mr Hazare’s draft have a clause that covers the kind of black money that was unearthed in Yajur Mandir?
Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam leaders A. Raja and K. Kanimozhi and Congress leader Suresh Kalmadi are in jail because they were said to be corrupt. If Satya Sai was alive, and if all the cash, gold and silver were dug up during that time, would he have had to be accountable? What would Kiran Bedi, who claims to be an honest and efficient police officer, have done in this case? Would she have arrested Satya Sai if he was in her jurisdiction?
By his own admission, Baba Ramdev has acquired assets worth `1,100 crore in a span of just 10 years. We do not know the worth of Sri Sri Ravi Shankar or Mata Anandamayi, whose spiritual kingdoms are thriving and expanding like wildfire. Shouldn’t Mr Hazare’s Lokpal Bill have a provision for investigating these financial empires?
I am sure no Prime Minister’s or Chief Justice of India’s bedroom (from Jawaharlal Nehru to Dr Manmohan Singh) could possess as much wealth as Satya Sai’s bedroom held.
At least the Prime Minister is accountable to Parliament and the people, and the Chief Justice has to sit on benches and there is an open office system with a registrar around him.
Who are the babas accountable to? In the name of god, spiritual exercises and cultural campaigns, far too much immorality, corruption and accumulation of black money has been taking place in the country. We know how godmen, politicians, bureaucrats, judges and academics make even gods corrupt in India. Early and exclusive darshan of the deity at big temples is available for a price. Part of this money goes into temple hoondis, the rest into the bedrooms of babas.
What does our highly moral civil society have to say about the corrupt culture of spiritual institutions, the latest evidence being the Yajur Mandir? We have seen what happened in Osho’s ashram. American civil society could not tolerate that ashram even for a few months.
Sexual immorality and accumulation of black money has been part of so-called spiritual/religious institutions. If we are against moral and financial corruption, we must focus on the haloed halls too.
* The author is director for the study of Social Exclusion and Inclusive Policy, Maulana Azad National Urdu University, Hyderabad
Following Baba Ramdev’s exhortations, his disciples participated in hungerstrikes and agitations against black money. Likewise, Anna Hazare (who, incidentally, is a devotee of a Yadav baba whose temple is located in his own model village, Ralegaon Siddi) and his team are also opposed to black money and corruption and the Gandhian has threatened to go on hungerstrike again. Team Anna wants the Lokpal Bill dictated by them accepted as is and be made the law of the land. None of them, however, has so far said a word on the recent revelations of huge amounts of money and jewellery hidden in the vaults of temples and bedrooms of babas.
The treasure discovered at the Sree Padmanabha Swamy temple is worth Rs 1 lakh crore. And on June 17, Rs 11.5 crore in cash, 98 kg of gold and 307 kg of silver were found by Trust members when they opened Satya Sai Baba’s chambers at the Puttaparthi ashram after his death. It may be recalled that Baba Ramdev rushed to Puttaparthi to see the body of Satya Sai after he passed away. When Satya Sai was in the hospital, several “sacred” men and ministers from the Centre and states bemoaned that if he dies, ethics in India will also die.
One woman minister of Andhra Pradesh, in fact, camped beside his hospital bed for months. Several civil servants, judges and academics rushed to Puttaparthi. Now we have some idea why all this happened. It will be interesting to see what Baba Ramdev and Team Anna have to say about the officially declared wealth of the ashram, apart from the bundles shipped out of Satya Sai’s Yajur Mandir. Is this wealth black or white?
Will Baba Ramdev make a statement about the currency that was lying in Satya Sai’s bedroom, which was locked up when he was shifted to hospital? How do they define black money? Was the cash, gold and silver found in Yajur Mandir all white? If Mr Hazare, Baba Ramdev and their team members treat such money as black money, why are they silent on the course of action against it? Will the Lokpal Bill, which they are fighting for, also cover spiritual shrines of babas, temples, masjids, churches and gurdwaras? Does Mr Hazare’s draft have a clause that covers the kind of black money that was unearthed in Yajur Mandir?
Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam leaders A. Raja and K. Kanimozhi and Congress leader Suresh Kalmadi are in jail because they were said to be corrupt. If Satya Sai was alive, and if all the cash, gold and silver were dug up during that time, would he have had to be accountable? What would Kiran Bedi, who claims to be an honest and efficient police officer, have done in this case? Would she have arrested Satya Sai if he was in her jurisdiction?
By his own admission, Baba Ramdev has acquired assets worth `1,100 crore in a span of just 10 years. We do not know the worth of Sri Sri Ravi Shankar or Mata Anandamayi, whose spiritual kingdoms are thriving and expanding like wildfire. Shouldn’t Mr Hazare’s Lokpal Bill have a provision for investigating these financial empires?
I am sure no Prime Minister’s or Chief Justice of India’s bedroom (from Jawaharlal Nehru to Dr Manmohan Singh) could possess as much wealth as Satya Sai’s bedroom held.
At least the Prime Minister is accountable to Parliament and the people, and the Chief Justice has to sit on benches and there is an open office system with a registrar around him.
Who are the babas accountable to? In the name of god, spiritual exercises and cultural campaigns, far too much immorality, corruption and accumulation of black money has been taking place in the country. We know how godmen, politicians, bureaucrats, judges and academics make even gods corrupt in India. Early and exclusive darshan of the deity at big temples is available for a price. Part of this money goes into temple hoondis, the rest into the bedrooms of babas.
What does our highly moral civil society have to say about the corrupt culture of spiritual institutions, the latest evidence being the Yajur Mandir? We have seen what happened in Osho’s ashram. American civil society could not tolerate that ashram even for a few months.
Sexual immorality and accumulation of black money has been part of so-called spiritual/religious institutions. If we are against moral and financial corruption, we must focus on the haloed halls too.
* The author is director for the study of Social Exclusion and Inclusive Policy, Maulana Azad National Urdu University, Hyderabad
http://www.deccanchronicle.com/editorial/dc-comment/anna-will-lokpal-probe-divine-money-952
Sunday, 3 July 2011
Fight against Corruption: Are we Serious?
Vidya Bhushan Rawat
Those were the years when the people in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar thought that now the change was about to come. The crowd at his gathering was increasing regularly. The speeches were laced with new adjectives of ‘future of India’. Rajiv’s clean image had taken a beating. The exposé had jolted his government. As the Finance Minister, he ordered that the corruption charges against prominent industrialists be probed. Many of them had to go to jail. He selected his officers on the basis of their probity and personal strength. They gave him results. Soon, the ‘best Finance Minister’ was shunted out of the Ministry to ‘defend’ the country. The industrialists wanted him out. He ordered an inquiry against corrupt politicians too and they also wanted his exit. No industrial house in India can survive without corruption. Tax evasions were rampant and he was trying to find out the big fishes without understanding that these sharks would connive together and throw him out.
He was sent to the Defence Ministry ignoring the big public opinion against his ouster. The govern-ment of that the day was habitual of such things. Rajiv was surrounded by the coterie and completely ignored saner advices. As he moved to the Defence Ministry, he found that there was a commission paid in the HDW Howitzer deal ordered from Germany. The Bofors report also came out and it became difficult for the Congress to hide its face. This ‘he’ that time was V.P. Singh whom we all love to hate despite his personal integrity and honesty in political life.
Yes, V.P. Singh was dismissed from the primary membership of the Congress Party for his fight against corruption. Yet, the successful thing was that he became the symbol of the fight against corruption in India in the late eighties. The students, middle classes jumped up and joined hands. His personal image remained clean all the time. The government of the day started a personal vendetta and fictitious reports were planted. Editors were hired to write in papers. Some of the biggest names of the Indian media jumped into the fray and allowed themselves to be used in a vicious propaganda against Singh. A fake account was opened under his son Ajeya Singh’s name in St. Kitts Island which later turned out to be fictitious. His ancestral property issue also cropped up. Yet, V.P. Singh could survive because he was simply a man of integrity and his life was open for probe.
The upper-caste middle classes were first to jump on his bandwagon when they realise that he was now ready to overthrow the government. The Brahmins of Varanasi anointed him with title ‘Rajarshi’ and he developed tremendous goodwill of the people, that is, the upper castes.
V.P. Singh came to power in 1989. He ensured that people with integrity take charge of the Ministry. The government was functioning well. It started allowing freedom to Doordarshan and All India Radio. It was refreshing to see news that time. It was working on labour and election reforms. A lot of other issues, including the Lokpal, was under consideration then. That apart, the Janata Dal as a political party had promised to fulfil 27 per cent quota for the OBCs.
On August 7, 1990, V.P. Singh announced the acceptance of the Mandal Commission recommen-dations in Parliament. For one month nothing happened and slowly the upper castes realised that their control over power is slipping and unless a slanderous campaign is started, they will be completely out of power. So, not only slander but everything that was available in the dictionary was used to defame the Dalits and OBCs. The middle class Hindus were in the streets against the OBC quota. V.P. Singh became one of the most hated politicians of our time. So much that none of the Hindu journalists ever want to say good things about him. Today, when we are fighting against corruption, none of these leaders bother to even mention his name. Why?
The answer lies in the upper-caste hatred against anything that provides connection of power to the Dalits and marginalised. V.P. Singh was the greatest person as long as he was talking about corruption and but he became the worst man once he started talking about the Dalits and OBCs. His government not only ensured the OBC quota but it also provided reservation for neo-Buddhists at the centenary celebrations of Babasaheb Dr Bhimrao Ambedkar and honoured him with Bharat Ratna. Similarly, Mayawati is not corrupt as long as she placates the upper castes but as soon as she erected those monuments of the Dalit Bahujan icons in the city of Lucknow, we are angry because we feel that the natural inheritor of our roundabouts in the city centre are the Gandhis, Nehrus, and our so many gods and goddesses. The upper caste-middle class feeling is that the Dalit Bahujan icons should remain in the bastis and dalitwadas.
•
WHEN we talk about corruption, how can we ignore the illicit land deals in our country? How can Anna and his team just feel that corruption is only in terms of money? The biggest corruption in today’s India is the sale of our natural resources, our land, forest and water. What is their stand on it? What will they do that powerful and well-connected people do not buy land just because they have money? Will we put a ceiling on land in India despite the people’s purchasing power? When the civil society wants to judge everyone, who will judge the civil society? What is this civil society? Did Anna and his team follow any principle of democracy in forming his team? How does democracy survive with such black-mailing tactics of Gandhi who used it to foil the separate electorate of Dalits?’
The issue of corruption is not a minor one but then those who want to fight against it should also remain clean. Yes, for people like us, they should not only be clean but also have faith in our secular pluralistic values and cannot be hate-preachers. How are these multi-billionaires, who have acquired their property in each State and even outside India, interested in the fight against corruption? Doesn’t Anna and his team know about the Baba and his games, his property and money? Is it a fight among those who say you have grabbed over one hundred million rupees and it is now our term to do so? How are we going to talk about individuals? Democracy will have to come out of such individualism and work. Yes, corruption affects us all. So why not we start to work developing a movement from the ground involving those whose lands have been grabbed by the local elites who may be donating huge sums to these anti-corruption crusaders? Should we not see who these forces we want to project as alternative are?
Just because there is a crowd does not mean that it has the right to do anything. Crowd does not provide legitimacy. Many of our friends actually feel that anyone who brings out the crowd is great. Yes, the Baba’s crowd was not a crowd for social justice. Anna’s crowd is similar. The stupidity of the Sangh’s propaganda is that the Ramlila Ground incident is being portrayed as Jalianwalla Bagh massacre. And see their gleeful faces at Rajghat. Sushma was dancing while Advani was comparing this incident to Jalianwalla Bagh. None ever questioned about the fictitious land deals of Ram Dev and other Babas. If we ignore the vital corruption in terms of land in the name of mutts, temples, gurudwaras and mosques, we cannot fight against corruption. In fact, we provide legitimacy. We cannot start a movement in which a majority of the population feels isolated, and fearful. The concern of 20 per cent Indian Muslims and other minorities are important and cannot be ignored. It is not just corruption but also their place in India and partnership in decision-making. How do we allow Dalits, Adivasis, Muslims and others partnership in our movement if we allow the entire reactionary forces in our decision-making? Just because you want to eliminate the Congress Party does not mean you can ally with anyone.
Yes, if the government and those who claim to work for us, are serious, then they must talk about corruption of all kinds, in all forms, anywhere. And not talk what is suitable to the middle classes who started corruption and want to lead the movement against it too. We want the government to release all the land papers of temples, mutts, gurudwaras, churches and mosques. Let the people know how much money is lying there and who is using that for what purpose. Anna Hazare and his team would do great harm if they do not consider this as corruption. Will they speak on it? Will they take on the religious thugs sitting on our land and water and preaching of austerity to us?
The Hindutva forces are working overnight on their agenda. They will use all the platforms which bring back power to the bramanical social order. After Ramdev, they want to bring back Uma Bharati to fight against Mayawati. While the Congress is shamelessly sticking to the Brahmin elite in Uttar Pradesh, the Hindutva forces are busy experimenting and who else can they use better than the Shudras? It is time we understand the dangers of such a fight against corruption and expose them tooth and nail. None can be a bigger threat to India than the ascendancy of the Hindutva forces to power. Let us fight against corruption and expose the very source of it.
He was sent to the Defence Ministry ignoring the big public opinion against his ouster. The govern-ment of that the day was habitual of such things. Rajiv was surrounded by the coterie and completely ignored saner advices. As he moved to the Defence Ministry, he found that there was a commission paid in the HDW Howitzer deal ordered from Germany. The Bofors report also came out and it became difficult for the Congress to hide its face. This ‘he’ that time was V.P. Singh whom we all love to hate despite his personal integrity and honesty in political life.
Yes, V.P. Singh was dismissed from the primary membership of the Congress Party for his fight against corruption. Yet, the successful thing was that he became the symbol of the fight against corruption in India in the late eighties. The students, middle classes jumped up and joined hands. His personal image remained clean all the time. The government of the day started a personal vendetta and fictitious reports were planted. Editors were hired to write in papers. Some of the biggest names of the Indian media jumped into the fray and allowed themselves to be used in a vicious propaganda against Singh. A fake account was opened under his son Ajeya Singh’s name in St. Kitts Island which later turned out to be fictitious. His ancestral property issue also cropped up. Yet, V.P. Singh could survive because he was simply a man of integrity and his life was open for probe.
The upper-caste middle classes were first to jump on his bandwagon when they realise that he was now ready to overthrow the government. The Brahmins of Varanasi anointed him with title ‘Rajarshi’ and he developed tremendous goodwill of the people, that is, the upper castes.
V.P. Singh came to power in 1989. He ensured that people with integrity take charge of the Ministry. The government was functioning well. It started allowing freedom to Doordarshan and All India Radio. It was refreshing to see news that time. It was working on labour and election reforms. A lot of other issues, including the Lokpal, was under consideration then. That apart, the Janata Dal as a political party had promised to fulfil 27 per cent quota for the OBCs.
On August 7, 1990, V.P. Singh announced the acceptance of the Mandal Commission recommen-dations in Parliament. For one month nothing happened and slowly the upper castes realised that their control over power is slipping and unless a slanderous campaign is started, they will be completely out of power. So, not only slander but everything that was available in the dictionary was used to defame the Dalits and OBCs. The middle class Hindus were in the streets against the OBC quota. V.P. Singh became one of the most hated politicians of our time. So much that none of the Hindu journalists ever want to say good things about him. Today, when we are fighting against corruption, none of these leaders bother to even mention his name. Why?
The answer lies in the upper-caste hatred against anything that provides connection of power to the Dalits and marginalised. V.P. Singh was the greatest person as long as he was talking about corruption and but he became the worst man once he started talking about the Dalits and OBCs. His government not only ensured the OBC quota but it also provided reservation for neo-Buddhists at the centenary celebrations of Babasaheb Dr Bhimrao Ambedkar and honoured him with Bharat Ratna. Similarly, Mayawati is not corrupt as long as she placates the upper castes but as soon as she erected those monuments of the Dalit Bahujan icons in the city of Lucknow, we are angry because we feel that the natural inheritor of our roundabouts in the city centre are the Gandhis, Nehrus, and our so many gods and goddesses. The upper caste-middle class feeling is that the Dalit Bahujan icons should remain in the bastis and dalitwadas.
•
WHEN we talk about corruption, how can we ignore the illicit land deals in our country? How can Anna and his team just feel that corruption is only in terms of money? The biggest corruption in today’s India is the sale of our natural resources, our land, forest and water. What is their stand on it? What will they do that powerful and well-connected people do not buy land just because they have money? Will we put a ceiling on land in India despite the people’s purchasing power? When the civil society wants to judge everyone, who will judge the civil society? What is this civil society? Did Anna and his team follow any principle of democracy in forming his team? How does democracy survive with such black-mailing tactics of Gandhi who used it to foil the separate electorate of Dalits?’
The issue of corruption is not a minor one but then those who want to fight against it should also remain clean. Yes, for people like us, they should not only be clean but also have faith in our secular pluralistic values and cannot be hate-preachers. How are these multi-billionaires, who have acquired their property in each State and even outside India, interested in the fight against corruption? Doesn’t Anna and his team know about the Baba and his games, his property and money? Is it a fight among those who say you have grabbed over one hundred million rupees and it is now our term to do so? How are we going to talk about individuals? Democracy will have to come out of such individualism and work. Yes, corruption affects us all. So why not we start to work developing a movement from the ground involving those whose lands have been grabbed by the local elites who may be donating huge sums to these anti-corruption crusaders? Should we not see who these forces we want to project as alternative are?
Just because there is a crowd does not mean that it has the right to do anything. Crowd does not provide legitimacy. Many of our friends actually feel that anyone who brings out the crowd is great. Yes, the Baba’s crowd was not a crowd for social justice. Anna’s crowd is similar. The stupidity of the Sangh’s propaganda is that the Ramlila Ground incident is being portrayed as Jalianwalla Bagh massacre. And see their gleeful faces at Rajghat. Sushma was dancing while Advani was comparing this incident to Jalianwalla Bagh. None ever questioned about the fictitious land deals of Ram Dev and other Babas. If we ignore the vital corruption in terms of land in the name of mutts, temples, gurudwaras and mosques, we cannot fight against corruption. In fact, we provide legitimacy. We cannot start a movement in which a majority of the population feels isolated, and fearful. The concern of 20 per cent Indian Muslims and other minorities are important and cannot be ignored. It is not just corruption but also their place in India and partnership in decision-making. How do we allow Dalits, Adivasis, Muslims and others partnership in our movement if we allow the entire reactionary forces in our decision-making? Just because you want to eliminate the Congress Party does not mean you can ally with anyone.
Yes, if the government and those who claim to work for us, are serious, then they must talk about corruption of all kinds, in all forms, anywhere. And not talk what is suitable to the middle classes who started corruption and want to lead the movement against it too. We want the government to release all the land papers of temples, mutts, gurudwaras, churches and mosques. Let the people know how much money is lying there and who is using that for what purpose. Anna Hazare and his team would do great harm if they do not consider this as corruption. Will they speak on it? Will they take on the religious thugs sitting on our land and water and preaching of austerity to us?
The Hindutva forces are working overnight on their agenda. They will use all the platforms which bring back power to the bramanical social order. After Ramdev, they want to bring back Uma Bharati to fight against Mayawati. While the Congress is shamelessly sticking to the Brahmin elite in Uttar Pradesh, the Hindutva forces are busy experimenting and who else can they use better than the Shudras? It is time we understand the dangers of such a fight against corruption and expose them tooth and nail. None can be a bigger threat to India than the ascendancy of the Hindutva forces to power. Let us fight against corruption and expose the very source of it.
Crtsy:http://www.mainstreamweekly.net/article2867.html
Sunday, 26 June 2011
Gandhi and Corruption
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1. Gandhi father of violence
2. Gandhi’s Hindu Caste
Varnashrama Dharma - Mother of all corruptions
3. Stop Corruption, Free minorities,Free India
4. Ambedkar - Father of India’s poor
Gandhi Creator of poor
5. Gandhi = Corruption
6. Reject the Upper Caste Dandi March, Stop Racism , Castiesm, Corruption.
7. Gandhi + Castiesm= Corruption.
8. Gandhi the choice for Corruption.
9. Corruption Starts with Gandhi
10. Gandhi + Dandi = Corruption.
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GvÀÛgÀÀ: Unfortunately it is true. vÀ£Àß PÉ®¸À ¤ªÀð»¸À®Ä PÁAUÉæ¹ìUÉ ºÀt«®è , DgÀA¨sÀzÀ°è ¥Àæw ¸ÀzÀ¸ÀåjAzÀ £Á¯ÁÌuÉ ¸ÀAUÀ滹 ¥ÀPÀëzÀ ZÀlĪÀnPÉ £ÀqɸÀ¨ÉÃPÉAzÀÄ PÉÆ0rzÉݪÀÅ, DzÀgÉ CzÀÄ ¸ÁzsÀåªÁUÀ°®è.
¥Àæ±Éß:- (¦üµÀgï) ²æÃªÀÄAvÀ ¨sÁgÀwÃAiÀÄjAzÀ §gÀĪÀ ºÀtzÀ°è JµÀÖgÀ ªÀÄnÖUÉ PÁAUÉæ¸ï£À ªÉZÀѪÀ£ÀÄß ¨sÀj¸À§ºÀÄzÀÄ?
UÁA¢ü :- “ ºÉZÀÄÑ PÀrªÉÄ J¯Áè RZÀð£ÀÄß, F D±ÀæªÀÄzÀ°è £ÁªÀÅ »ÃVgÀĪÀÅzÀQÌAvÀ PÉlÖzÁV §zÀÄPÀÄwÛzÉݪÀÅ, DzÀgÉ ²æÃªÀÄAvÀ ¸ÉßûvÀgÀÄ ºÀt ¤ÃqÀÄwÛgÀĪÀÅzÀjAzÀ £ÁªÀÅ D jÃw §zÀÄPÀÄwÛ®è. J¯Áè RZÀð£ÀÄß CªÀgÉà ¨sÀj¸ÀÄwÛzÁÝgÉ.’’
¨ÁæºÀät ªÀÄvÀÄÛ §¤AiÀiÁUÀ¼À ¸ÀA§AzsÀzÀ §UÉÎ ¨Á¨Á¸ÁºÉçgÀÄ »ÃUÉ£ÀÄßvÁÛgÉ. ‘’EzÀÄ ªÁtÂdåAiÀÄÄUÀ, FUÀ PÀwÛVAvÀ ºÀtzÀ ¥ÁvÀæªÉà ªÀÄÄRå. CµÉÖà C®èzÉ, gÁdQÃAiÀÄ gÀxÀ £ÀqɸÀ®Ä ºÀt ªÀÄÄRå. DzÀÝjAzÀ¯Éà ¨ÁæºÀätgÀÄ §¤AiÀiÁ eÉÆvÉ ¸ÉÃjzÁÝgÉ. §¤AiÀiÁ PÁAUÉæ¸ïUÉ ºÀt PÉÆqÀÄwÛgÀĪÀÅzÀPÉÌ PÁgÀt, gÁdQÃAiÀÄzÀ°è ºÀÆrzÀ ºÀt¢AzÀ ºÉZÀÄÑ ¯Á¨sÀ«zÉ JA§ w¼ÀĪÀ½PɬÄAzÀ. EzÀ£ÀÄß CªÀjUÉ ºÉýPÉÆlÖzÀÄÝ UÁA¢ü.’’
1921, 1922 ªÀÄvÀÄÛ 1923 gÀ°è PÁAUÉæ¸ï ¸ÀAUÀ滹zÀ “ w®Pï ¸ÀégÁeï ¤¢ü”UÉ PÀæªÀĪÁV gÀÆ.1,01,64,010-00, 13,37,982-00 ªÀÄvÀÄÛ 9,75, 090.00 MlÄÖ 1,24,77,082.00 gÀÆUÀ¼À£ÀÄß ¸ÀAUÀ滸À¯Á¬ÄvÀÄ. F ºÀtªÀ£ÀÄß ¥ÁæAvÀåªÁgÀÄ «vÀj¹zÀ «ªÀgÀ »ÃVzÉ.
¥ÀnÖ :
PÉÆqÀ¯ÁzÀ ºÀt gÀÆ.UÀ¼À°è | d£À¸ÀASÉå | d£À¸ÀASÉå ¥ÀæªÀiÁtPÉÌ ¤ÃqÀ¨ÉÃPÁVzÀÝ ºÀtzÀ ±ÉÃPÀqÁ ¥ÀæªÀiÁt | ªÁ¸ÀÛ«PÀªÁV ¤ÃrzÀ ±ÉÃPÀqÁ ¥ÀæªÀiÁt | |
CT® ¨sÁgÀvÀ | 4,94,000 | 22,72,38,000 | - | 10 |
ªÀÄÄA§¬Ä | 26,90,381 | 1,60,12,623 | 8 | 54.3% |
ªÀÄzÁæ¸ÀÄ | 5,05,300 | 4,23,19,000 | 18 | 10% |
©ºÁgÀ ªÀÄvÀÄÛ Mj¸Áì | 5,65,000 | 3,38,20,000 | 15 | 11.3% |
AiÀÄÄ.¦. | 3,11,200 | 4,53,76,000 | 20 | 6.26% |
¹Azsï | 1,13,000 | 32,79,377 | - | 2.2% |
C¸ÁìA | 51,080 | 67,35,000 | 3 | 1.1% |
§AUÁ¼À | 50,000 | 4,62,41,000 | 20 | 1% |
¹.¦. | 47,000 | 1,27,80,000 | 5 | 0.93% |
¥ÀAeÁ¨ï | 45,000 | 2,06,75,000 | 9 | 0.9% |
ºÉÊzÀgÁ¨Ázï | 46,000 | - | - | 0.81% |
CfäÃgï | 25,000 | - | - | 0.5% |
«zÉñÀ | 14,000 | - | - | 0.28% |
49,50,661-00 |
¨Á¨Á ¸ÁºÉçgÀÄ ºÉüÀÄvÁÛgÉ “MAzÀƪÀgÉ PÉÆÃnVAvÀ ºÉZÀÄÑ d£À¸ÀASÉå EgÀĪÀ ªÀÄÄA§¬ÄAiÀÄAvÀºÀ ¥ÁæAvÀåPÉÌ 27 ®PÀë gÀÆ ¤ÃrzÀÝgÉ ¸ÀĪÀiÁgÀÄ 4 PÉÆÃn d£À¸ÀASÉåAiÀÄļÀî ¸ÀAAiÀÄÄPÀÛ ¥ÁæAvÀå ªÀÄvÀÄÛ ªÀÄzÁæ¹UÉ vÀ¯Á 5 ®PÀëQÌAvÀ ºÉaÑUÉ ¤Ãr®è. ºÀt «vÀgÀuÉUÉ AiÀiÁªÀÅzÉà vÀvÀé CxÀªÁ ¸ÀÆvÀæ EgÀ¢gÀĪÀÅzÀÆ C®èzÉ ®eÁâ¸ÀàzÀªÁzÀ ¸ÁéxÀð JzÀÄÝ PÁtÄvÀÛzÉ. 3 ªÀµÀðUÀ¼À°è «vÀj¸À¯ÁzÀ 49.5 ®PÀë gÀÆ.UÀ¼À°è UÁA¢üAiÀĪÀgÀ UÀÄdgÁwUÉ 26 1/2 ®PÀë zÉÆgÉwzÀÝgÉ, ¨sÁgÀvÀzÀ G½zɯÁè ¨sÁUÀUÀ½UÉ PÉêÀ® 23 ®PÀë ¤ÃqÀ¯ÁVzÉ. AiÀiÁjUÉ AiÀiÁªÀ GzÉÝñÀPÁÌV ªÀÄAdÆj ªÀiÁqÀ¯Á¬ÄvÀÄ JA§ÄzÀ£ÀÄß CjAiÀÄ®Ä CªÀPÁ±ÀªÁUÀ°Ã, CzÀPÉÌ ¤AiÀÄAvÀætªÁUÀ°Ã EgÀ°®è. F PɼÀV£À CAQ CA±ÀªÀ£ÀÄß UÀªÀĤ¹.
AiÀiÁªÀ GzÉÝñÀPÁÌV JAzÀÄ ºÉüÀzÉ RZÀÄð ªÀiÁqÀ®Ä ªÀåQÛUÀ½UÉ ¤ÃqÀ¯ÁzÀ ºÀt .
ªÀåQÛ | ºÀt | ªÀÄAdÆgÁzÀ ¢£ÁAPÀ |
ªÀiË°é §zÀÄæ¯ïºÀ¸À£ï | 40,000-00 | ¢£ÁAPÀ: 20, 21 ªÀÄvÀÄÛ 22 gÀAzÀÄ 1922 gÀ°è PÀ®ÌvÁÛ PÁAiÀÄðPÁj ¸À¨sÉAiÀÄ°è ªÀÄAdÆgÁzÀzÀÄÝ. |
n.¥ÀæPÁ±ÀªÀiï | 7000-00 | ªÉÄà 12, 13, 1922 gÀ ªÀÄÄA¨ÉÊ ¸À¨sÉAiÀÄ°è ªÀÄAdÆgÁzÀzÀÄÝ. |
gÁdUÉÆÃ¥Á® ZÁj | 1000-00 | 1922 dÆ£ï 06,07 ªÀÄvÀÄÛ 10 gÀ ®PÉÆßà ¸À¨sÉAiÀÄ°è ªÀÄAdÆgÁzÀzÀÄÝ. |
§eÁeï | 20, 000-00 | 1923 gÀ dįÉÊ 7,8, ªÀÄvÀÄÛ 10 £ÁUÀ¥ÀÄgÀ ¸À¨sÉAiÀÄ°è ªÀÄAdÆgÁzÀzÀÄÝ. |
UÁA¢ü | 1,00, 000-00 | 1921 gÀAzÀÄ PÀ®ÌvÁÛzÀ°è ¥sɧæªÀj 01,02 ªÀÄvÀÄÛ 3 gÀ PÁAiÀÄðPÁj ¸À«Äw ¸À¨sÉAiÀÄ°è ªÀÄAdÆgÁzÀzÀÄÝ. |
AiÀiÁªÀÅzÉà GzÉÝñÀPÁÌVAiÀÄÆ ¤UÀ¢ü¥Àr¸ÀzÉ ªÀÄvÀÄÛ AiÀiÁgÀ ºÉÆuÉAiÀÄÆ E®èzÉ ¤ÃqÀ¯ÁzÀ ºÀt.
UÀÄdgÁvïUÉ : | 3,00,000.00 |
UÀÄdgÁvïUÉ : | 18,00,000.00 |
UÀÄdgÁvïUÉ : | 3,00,000.00 |
MlÄÖ: | 24,00,000.00 |
»ÃUÉ ºÉ¸Àj¸À¯ÁzÀ ªÀÄvÀÄÛ ºÀt ¥ÀqÉzÀªÀgÀ ¤ªÀðºÀuÉUÉ PÉÆqÀ¯ÁzÀ EµÀÄÖ zÉÆqÀØ ªÉÆvÀÛPÉÌ ¯ÉPÀÌPÉÆqÀ¯ÁVvÉÛÃ? CxÀªÁ ¨ÉãÁ«Ä ªÀåQÛUÀ¼ÀÄ F ºÀtªÀÀ£ÀÄß ¥ÀqÉzÀgÉÃ? JA§ÄzÀÄ UÉÆvÁÛV®è.F ¥Àæ±ÉßUÀ½UÉ vÀȦÛPÀgÀ GvÀÛgÀ zÉÆgÉvÀgÀÆ PÀÆqÀ, EAvÀºÀ zÀÄAzsÀÄUÁjPÉAiÀÄ ªÀÄvÀÄÛ ¤gÀxÀðPÀ ºÀÄZÀÄÑ ºÀtPÁ¹£À ¤ªÀðºÀuÉUÉ E£ÉÆßAzÀÄ ¤zÀ±Àð£À «gÀ°®èªÉA§ÄzÀÄ ¤¸ÀìA±ÀAiÀÄ. ºÁUÉAiÉÄà ¸ÁªÀðd¤PÀ ºÀtzÀ F jÃwAiÀÄ ªÀåªÀ¹ÞvÀ zÀgÉÆÃqÉ JA¢UÀÆ DVgÀ°®è. w®Pï ¸ÀégÁe濫ü¬ÄAzÀ D¸Àéø±ÀågÀ M½wUÁV ¥ÀæxÀªÀÄ DzsÀåvÉ ªÉÄÃ¯É ºÀt ¤ÃqÀ¨ÉÃPÉA§ ¤jÃPÉë EvÀÄÛ. PÀQëzÁgÀgÉà E®èzÉ ªÀQîgÀÄ gÁµÀÖçPÁÌV vÀªÀÄä ªÀÈwÛAiÀÄ£ÀÄß PÉÊ©lÖgÉAzÀÄ CªÀgÀÄ AiÀiÁªÀ PÁgÀtPÁÌV ©lÖgÉAzÀÄ w½zÀÄPÉÆ¼ÀÄîªÀ UÉÆÃfUÀÆ ºÉÆÃUÀzÉ, ¸Á«gÁgÀÄ gÀÆ¥Á¬ÄUÀ¼À£ÀÄß ¤ÃrzÀÄÝ, ±ÉÃA¢ E½¸ÀĪÀªÀgÀÄ vÀªÀÄä ªÀÈwÛ ©nÖzÀÝPÉÌ CªÀgÀ G¥À fêÀ£ÀPÁÌV ºÀt ¤ÃrzÀÄÝ ªÀÄvÀÄÛ EAxÀºÀ C£ÉÃPÀ C¥ÁæªÀiÁtÂPÀ ¤gÀÀxÀðPÀ PÉ®¸ÀPÁÌV ¸Á«gÁgÀÄ gÀÆ¥Á¬ÄUÀ¼À£ÀÄß ¤ÃrzÀ PÁAUÉæ¸ï, C¸Ààø±ÀågÀ »vÀPÁÌV £ÁåAiÀÄAiÀÄÄvÀªÁV C£ÀÄzÁ£À ¤ÃqÀ¨ÉÃQvÀÄÛ. DzÀgÉ EzÀPÉÌ §zÀ¯ÁV ¥ÀævÉåÃPÀ ¤¢üAiÉÆAzÀ£ÀÄß ¸ÁÞ¦¸À®Ä PÁAUÉæ¸ï ¸ÀÆa¹vÀÄ. ¤¢üAiÀÄ UÁvÀæ 5 ®PÀë EgÀ¨ÉÃPÉAzÀÄ CT®¨sÁgÀvÀ PÁAUÉæ¸ï ¤UÀ¢¥Àr¹vÀÄÛ. C¸Ààø±ÀågÀ GzÁÞgÀ C¥ÀæªÀÄÄR ªÀÄvÀÄÛ ¯Á¨sÀzÁAiÀÄPÀªÀ®èªÉAzÀÄ ¨sÁ«¹ CzÀ£ÀÄß PÉÆ£ÉUÉ 2 ®PÀëPÉÌ E½¸À¯Á¬ÄvÀÄ. 60 zÀ±À®PÀë C¸Ààø±ÀåjUÉ PÉêÀ® 2 ®PÀë gÀÆUÀ¼À£ÀÄß ¤UÀ¢üªÀiÁqÀ¯Á¬ÄvÀÄ.
EzÀgÀ°è C¸Ààø±ÀågÀ GzsÁÞgÀPÁÌV ªÁ¸ÀÛªÀªÁV RZÀÄð ªÀiÁrzÀ ºÀtzÀ «ªÀgÀ »ÃVzÉ.
GzÉÝñÀ | ªÀÄAdÆgÁzÀ ºÀt |
Rajamundri Depressed Classes Misson CAvÀåd PÁAiÀiÁð®AiÀÄ, CºÀªÀÄzÁ¨Ázï CAvÀåd PÁAiÀiÁð®AiÀÄ, CºÀªÀÄzÁ¨Ázï DAzÀæzÀ°è ¤ªÀÄä ªÀUÀðUÀ¼À PÁAiÀÄðPÀæªÀÄ | 1000.00 5000.00 17381.00 7000.00 |
National Social Conference for Depressed Classes’s work ¤ªÀÄß ªÀUÀðUÀ¼ÀªÀgÀ PÉ®¸ÀPÁÌV vÀ«Ä¼ÀÄ£ÁqÀÄ f¯Áè ¥ÀæzÉñÀ PÁAUÉæ¸ï ¸À«ÄwUÉ | 3000.00 10000.00 |
MlÄÖ | 43381.00 |
PÁAUÉæ¸ï vÀ£Àß ¨ÁzÉÆÃð° PÁAiÀÄðPÀæªÀÄ JAzÀÄ ¥Àæ¹¢ÞAiÀiÁVzÀÝ gÀZÀ£ÁvÀäPÀ PÁAiÀÄðPÀæªÀÄPÉÌ RZÀÄð ªÀiÁrzÀ 49.5 ®PÀë gÀÆ¥Á¬ÄUÀ½UÉ ºÉÆÃ°¹zÀgÉ, PÉêÀ® 43381.00 gÀÆ¥Á¬ÄUÀ¼À£ÀßµÉÖ C¸Ààø±ÀåjUÉ RZÀÄð ªÀiÁrvÀÄ. EzÀQÌAvÀ ºÉaÑ£À PÀ¥ÀmÁZÀgÀuÉ EgÀ®Ä ¸ÁzsÀåªÉÃ?
UÁA¢üªÁzÀ ªÀÄvÀÄÛ »AzÀÄvÀéPÉÌ K£ÁzÀgÀÆ ªÀåvÁå¸À EzÉAiÉÄÃ? F §UÉÎ ¨Á¨Á ¸ÁºÉçgÀÄ »ÃUÉA¢zÁÝgÉ “ »AzÀÄvÀézÀ°è eÁw Ez,É UÁA¢üªÁzÀzÀ®Æè EzÉ, »AzÀÆ ªÀA±À¥ÁgÀA¥ÀAiÀÄðªÀ£ÀÄß M¦àzÉ. UÁA¢üªÁzÀªÀÇ EzÉà DVzÉ. »AzÀÆ zsÀªÀÄð DPÀ¼À£ÀÄß ¥ÀÆf¸ÀÄvÀÛzÉ. UÁA¢üªÁzÀ EzÀ£ÀÄß CAVÃPÀj¹z.É »AzÀÆ PÀªÀÄð¹zÁÞAvÀzÀ°è £ÀA©PÉ EnÖzÉ. UÁA¢ªÁzÀªÀÇ EzÉà DVzÉ. »AzÀÆ zsÀªÀÄð ±Á¸ÀæöÛUÀ¼ÀÀ C¢üPÁgÀPÉÌ M¦àUÉ ¤ÃrzÉ. UÁA¢üªÁzÀªÀÇ EzÀ£ÀÄß M¦àzÉ. »AzÀÆ CªÀvÁgÀªÁzÀªÀ£ÀÄß M¦àzÉ UÁA¢üªÁzÀPÉÌ F §UÉÎ ¸ÀªÀÄäw EzÉ. DzÀÝjAzÀ ¸Áå£ï¥Áæ¤ì¸ÉÆÌÃzÀ CA¨ÉÃqÀÌgï ªÁ¢UÀ¼ÀÄ §¼À¹gÀĪÀ WÉÆÃµÀuÉUÀ¼ÀÄ CªÁ¸ÀÛ«PÀ J£À߯Á¢ÃvÉ?
¨Á¨Á¸ÁºÉçgÀÄ ªÀÄÄAzÀĪÀjzÀÄ ºÉüÀÄvÁÛgÉ ‘’UÁA¢üAiÀĪÀjUÉ ªÀÄ£À¹ìzÀÝgÉ w®Pï ¸ÀégÁeï ¤¢ü¬ÄAzÀ PÁAUÉæ¹ìUÀgÀÄ ªÀåªÀ¸ÀÞwªÁV ®Æn ªÀiÁqÀÄwÛzÀÝ C¥ÁgÀ ºÀtªÀ£ÀÄß G½¹ CzÀ£ÀÄß C¸Ààø¸ÀåågÀ M½wUÁV G¥ÀAiÉÆÃV¸À§ºÀÄ¢vÀÄÛ. «avÀæªÉAzÀgÉ CªÀgÀÄ ªÀiË£ÀªÁVzÀÝgÀµÉÖ C®èzÉ EzÀPÀÆÌ £À£ÀUÀÆ ¸ÀA§AzsÀªÉà E®è JA§AvÉ ¤¶ÌçAiÀÄgÁVzÀÝgÀÄ.
C¸Ààø±ÀågÀ PÀÄjvÀÄ UÁA¢üÃfAiÀĪÀgÀ §ÆmÁnPÉAiÀÄÄPÀÛ ¥ÉæÃªÀÄzÀ §UÉÎ ¢£ÁAPÀ: 20-04-1920 gÀ Young India ¸ÀAaPÉAiÀİè£À UÁA¢üAiÀĪÀgÀ F ªÀiÁvÀÄUÀ¼À£ÀÄß ¨Á¨Á ¸ÁºÉçgÀÄ G¯ÉèÃT¸ÀÄvÁÛgÉ.
“£À£ÀUÉ ¥ÀAZÀªÀÄgÀ ¸ÀªÀĸÉå £À£Àß fêÀQÌAvÀ®Æ ºÉZÀÄÑ ¦æAiÀĪÁVzÀÝgÀÆ PÀÆqÀ gÁ¶ÖçÃAiÀÄ ZÀ¼ÀĪÀ½UÉ ¸ÀA¥ÀÆtð UÀªÀÄ£À ¤ÃqÀĪÀÅzÀjAzÀ £À£ÀUÉ vÀȦÛAiÀÄÄAmÁVzÉ. zÉÆqÀØzÀgÀ°è ¸ÀtÚzÀÆ ¸ÉÃjgÀÄvÀÛzÉ JA§ÄzÀÄ £À£Àß RavÀ C©ü¥ÁæAiÀÄ’’
²æÃAiÀÄÄvÀ UÁA¢üAiÀĪÀgÀÄ ºÉÃUÉ ¨sÀæªÉÄAiÀİèAiÀÄÆ DvÀä-vÀÈ¦Û ¥ÀlÄÖPÉÆ¼Àî§®ègÉA§ÄzÀÄ F zÀÄgÀAvÀzÀ «µÁzÀ¤ÃAiÀÄ ¸ÀAUÀwAiÀiÁVzÉ. C¸Ààø±ÀågÀ GzÁÞgÀPÉÌ mÉÆAPÀPÀnÖ ¤AvÀ »AzÀÆUÀ¼À MAzÀÄ zÉÆqÀØ vÀAqÀªÉà EzÉ JAzÀÄ ºÉüÀĪÀÅzÀÄ, C¸Ààø±ÀågÀ£ÀÄß ªÀÄvÀÄÛ Erà ¥Àæ¥ÀAZÀªÀ£Éßà ªÀAa¸ÀĪÀ ªÀÄvÀÄÛ ªÀÄÆRðgÀ£ÁßV¸ÀĪÀ CzÀÄâvÀ ¨sÁæAwAiÉÄà DVzÉ. UÁA¢üAiÀĪÀgÀ EAvÀºÀ ¨sÁæAwUÀ½AzÁV C¸Ààø±ÀågÀ CµÉÖà KPÉ ErÃÉ zÉñÀ JAvÀºÀ zÀÄgÀAvÀUÀ¼À£ÀÄß JzÀÄj¸À¨ÉÃPÁ¬ÄvÉA§ÄzÀÄ PÉ®ªÉà d£ÀjUÉ UÉÆwÛgÀĪÀ ¸ÀAUÀw. UÁA¢üAiÀĪÀgÀ ¥ÁæªÀiÁtÂPÀvÉAiÀÄ PÀxÉ »ÃVgÀĪÁUÀ ªÀÄvÀÄÛ ¸ÁévÀAvÀæöå §AzÀÄ 64 ªÀµÀðUÀ¼À £ÀAvÀgÀªÀÇ PÀ£ÁðlPÀzÀÀ CvÀåAvÀ ¥Àæ§ÄzÀÝ ¥ÀvÀæPÀvÀðgɤ¹PÉÆArgÀĪÀ Shri Dinesh Amin mattu gÀªÀjUÉà EzÀÄ w½AiÀÄ¢gÀĪÁUÀ ¥Á¥À CªÉÄÃjPÁzÀ UÁA¢ü PÁ®zÀ Einstin gÀªÀjUÉ ºÉÃUÉ w½¢gÀ®Ä ¸ÁzsÀå?
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avÀæ«lÄÖ ¨sÀæµÁÖZÁgÀzÀ «gÀÄzÀÝ ¥Àæw¨sÀl£É ªÀiÁrzÀgÀÄ. zÉñÀzÀ J¯Áè ªÀiÁzsÀåªÀÄUÀ¼ÀÄ CzÀ£ÀÄß QæPÉmï£ÀÄß £ÉÃgÀ¥Àæ¸ÁgÀ ªÀiÁqÀĪÀAvÉ ªÀiÁrzÀÝ F zÉñÀzÀ J¯Áè ªÀiÁzsÀåªÀÄUÀ¼ÀÄ PÉÊUÁjPÉÆÃzsÀå«ÄUÀ½AzÀ¯Éà CxÀªÁ ªÀåºÁgÀUÀ½AzÀ¯Éà £ÀqÉAiÀÄÄwÛgÀĪÀÅzÀÄ ¸ÀļÀî®è .EªÀgÁgÀÆ RArvÀªÁVAiÀÄÆ ¥ÁæªÀiÁtÂPÀgÀ®è, SÁåvÀ aAvÀPÀgÁzÀ Kancha Ealaiah £ÀªÀgÀÄ vÀªÀÄä The Post Hindu India PÀÈwAiÀİè F zÉñÀzÀ DyðPÀvÉAiÀÄ£ÀÄß »r¢lÄÖPÉÆArgÀĪÀ §¤AiÀiÁ ¸ÀªÀiÁdzÀ §UÉÎ §gÉAiÀÄÄvÁÛ CªÀgÀ£ÀÄß Social Smugglers JAzÀÄ PÀgÉ¢zÁÝgÉ JAN Lokpal Bill ªÁå¦ÛAiÀİè F Social Smugglers RArvÀªÁVAiÀÄÆ §gÀ¯ÁgÀzÀÄ. EAxÀºÀ §¤AiÀiÁ ¸ÀªÀiÁdPÉÌ ¸ÉÃjzÀ UÁA¢ J£ï¹ÖÃ£ï ºÉÆUÀ¼ÀĪÀµÀÄÖ ¥ÀæªÀiÁtÂPÀªÁVgÀ°®èªÉA§ CA±À ¨Á¨Á ¸ÁºÉèï qÁ.©.Dgï CA¨ÉÃqÀÌgï §gÉ¢gÀĪÀ What Congress and Gandhi have done to untouchables? JA§ PÀÈwAiÀÄ°è ¸Á©ÃvÁUÀÄvÀÛz.É CzÀÄ »ÃVzÉ 1942 gÀ dÆ£ï 6 £Éà vÁjÃRÄ UÁÀA¢ü eÉÆvÉ ²æÃ ®Æ¬Ä ¦üµÀgï £ÀqɹzÀ ¸ÀAzÀ±Àð£À CªÀgÀ ‘’ A week with Gandhi ‘’PÀÈwAiÀÄ°è ¥ÀæPÀlªÁVzÉ.
¢£ÁAPÀ: 25-04-11 gÀ ¸ÀAaPÉAiÀÄ°è ²æÃ ¢£Éñï C«ÄÃ£ï ªÀÄÄlÄÖ gÀªÀgÀÄ ªÀiÁrgÀĪÀ ‘’C£ÁªÀgÀt’’ gÀ°è CuÁÚ ºÀeÁgÉ CªÀgÀzÀ°è UÁA¢üfAiÀÄ£ÀÄß PÀt§AiÀĸÀĪÀ PÉÆÃlåAvÀgÀ d£ÀgÀ PÀtÂÚgÀ°è EAvÀºÀ ¸À¹è vÀ¥ÀÄ¥sÀUÀ¼ÀÄ zsÁªÀĤgÀ¸À£ÀªÀ£ÀÄßAlĪÀiÁqÀ §®èzÀÄ AiÀiÁPÉAzÀgÉ ºÁUÀÆ PÁ¹£À «µÀAiÀÄzÀ°è UÁA¢üf EAzsÀ£À ¸ÀtÚ vÀ¥ÀÄàUÀ¼À ªÀiÁrgÀ°è® ¸ÀĪÀiÁgÀÄ 20 ªÀµÀðUÀ¼À PÁ® ¸ÀUÀzsÀvÀ ºÉÆÃgÁlªÀ£ÀÄß ªÀÄÄ£ÀßqɹzÀÝ ªÀÄvÀÄÛ EzÀPÁÌV PÉÆÃAmÁåAvÀgÀ gÀÆ¥Á¬Ä¸ÁªÀðd¤PÀ ¤¢ ¸ÀAUÀæºÀ«zÀݰè UÁA¢üf «gÀÄzÀÝ ºÀt UÀÄgÀÄ«AiÉÆÃUÁzÀ ¸ÀtÚ ¸ÉÆÃ®Äè PÀÆqÀ JwÛgÀ°®è JA¢zÁÝgÉ.
CªÉÄÃjPÁzÀ ¸Áå£ï ¥Áæ¤ì¸ÉÆÌà zÀ°è --------¸ÀAWÀl£ÉAiÀÄ gÀªÀgÀ £ÀÈvÀÈvÀézÀ°è ¢£ÁAPÀ:28-03-2011 gÀAzÀÄ ªÀÄAr¸ÀĪÀ Ambedkar Rally AiÀÄ°è §¼À¹gÀĪÀ µÉÆÃµÀuÉUÀ¼ÀÄ §ºÀıÀ ¨sÁgÀwÃAiÀÄ UÁA¢ªÁ¢UÀ½UÉ CWÁvÀPÁj J¤¸ÀÄzÀÄ CªÀÅUÀ¼À JµÀÄÖ
11. Gandi father of violence
12. Gandi is hindu caste
varnashrama dharma mother of all corruptions
13. stop corruption .free minorcities,free india
14. ambedkar father of indias poor
Gandhi creator of poor
15. Gandhi Corruption
16. Reject the upper caste dandi march stop
Racism .castism. Corruption.
17. Gandhi +Castism - Corruption.
18. Gandhi the choice for Corruption.
19. Corruption.Starts with Gandhi
20 andhi dandi Corruption.
CªÉÄÃjPÁzÀ°è£À UÁA¢üêÁ¢UÀ¼ÀÄ Sandiago ¢AzÀ santrancisco ªÀgÉUÉ ¨sÁgÀvÀzÀ ¨sÀæµÁÖZÁgÀzÀ «gÀÄzÀÝ ªÀiÁrzÀ zÀAr ªÀiÁZïðUÉ «gÀÄzÀݪÁV CªÉÄÃjPÁzÀ°è£À CA¨ÉÃqÀÌgï ªÁ¢UÀ¼ÀÄ UÁA¢ ¥ÀæwªÉÄ ªÀÄÄAzÉ Anti-Gandhi Rally AiÀÄ£ÀÄß DAiÉÆÃf¹zÀÝgÀÄ EzÁzÀ PÉ®ªÉà ¢£ÀUÀ¼À°è CtÚ ºÀeÁgÉ gÀªÀgÀÄ UÁA¢ avÀæ«lÄÖ ¨sÀæµÁÖZÁgÀzÀ «gÀÄzÀÝ ¥Àæw¨sÀl£É ªÀiÁrzÀgÀÄ. zÉñÀzÀ J¯Áè ªÀiÁzsÀåªÀÄUÀ¼ÀÄ CzÀ£ÀÄß QæPÉmï£ÀÄß £ÉÃgÀ¥Àæ¸ÁgÀ ªÀiÁqÀĪÀAvÉ ªÀiÁrzÀÝ F zÉñÀzÀ J¯Áè ªÀiÁzsÀåªÀÄUÀ¼ÀÄ PÉÊUÁjPÉÆÃzsÀå«ÄUÀ½AzÀ¯Éà CxÀªÁ ªÀåºÁgÀUÀ½AzÀ¯Éà £ÀqÉAiÀÄÄwÛgÀĪÀÅzÀÄ ¸ÀļÀî®è .EªÀgÁgÀÆ RArvÀªÁVAiÀÄÆ ¥ÁæªÀiÁtÂPÀgÀ®è, SÁåvÀ aAvÀPÀgÁzÀ Kancha Ealaiah £ÀªÀgÀÄ vÀªÀÄä The Post Hindu India PÀÈwAiÀİè F zÉñÀzÀ DyðPÀvÉAiÀÄ£ÀÄß »r¢lÄÖPÉÆArgÀĪÀ §¤AiÀiÁ ¸ÀªÀiÁdzÀ §UÉÎ §gÉAiÀÄÄvÁÛ CªÀgÀ£ÀÄß Social Smugglers JAzÀÄ PÀgÉ¢zÁÝgÉ JAN Lokpal Bill ªÁå¦ÛAiÀİè F Social Smugglers RArvÀªÁVAiÀÄÆ §gÀ¯ÁgÀzÀÄ. EAxÀºÀ §¤AiÀiÁ ¸ÀªÀiÁdPÉÌ ¸ÉÃjzÀ UÁA¢ J£ï¹ÖÃ£ï ºÉÆUÀ¼ÀĪÀµÀÄÖ ¥ÀæªÀiÁtÂPÀªÁVgÀ°®èªÉA§ CA±À ¨Á¨Á ¸ÁºÉèï qÁ.©.Dgï CA¨ÉÃqÀÌgï §gÉ¢gÀĪÀ What Congress and Gandhi have done to untouchables? JA§ PÀÈwAiÀÄ°è ¸Á©ÃvÁUÀÄvÀÛz.É CzÀÄ »ÃVzÉ 1942 gÀ dÆ£ï 6 £Éà vÁjÃRÄ UÁÀA¢ü eÉÆvÉ ²æÃ ®Æ¬Ä ¦üµÀgï £ÀqɹzÀ ¸ÀAzÀ±Àð£À CªÀgÀ ‘’ A week with Gandhi ‘’PÀÈwAiÀÄ°è ¥ÀæPÀlªÁVzÉ.
¥Àæ±Éß:- PÁAUÉæ¸ï ¥ÀPÀëzÀ §UÉÎ £Á£ÀÄ vÀªÀÄä°è §ºÀ¼À ¥Àæ±ÉßUÀ¼À£ÀÄß PÉüÀĪÀÅ¢vÀÄÛ. zÉÆqÀغÀÄzÉÝUÀ¼À°ègÀĪÀ PÉ®ªÀÅ ©ænµÀgÀÄ £À£ÀUÉ ºÉýzÀ ¥ÀæPÁgÀ PÁAUÉæÃs±ï zÉÆqÀØ ªÁtÂeÉÆåÃzÀå«ÄUÀ¼À PÉÊAiÀİèzÉ. ²æÃ UÁA¢üAiÀĪÀjUÉ ªÀÄÄA¨ÉÊ VgÀt ªÀiÁ°ÃPÀgÀ ¨ÉA§®«zÉ. ²æÃ UÁA¢ü PÉýzÀµÀÄÖ ºÀtªÀ£ÀÄß CªÀgÀÄ PÉÆqÀÄvÁÛgÉ JA¨É¯Áè ªÀiÁvÀÄUÀ½ªÉ F ºÉýPÉUÀ¼À°è ¤dªÉµÉÖAzÀÄ UÁA¢üAiÀĪÀgÀ£ÀÄß £Á£ÀÄ PÉýzÉ. CzÀPÉÌ UÁA¢AiÀĪÀgÀ unfortunately it is true, vÀ£Àß PÉ®¸À ¤ªÀð»¸À®Ä PÁAUÉæ¹ìUÉ ºÀtÀ«®è DgÀA¨sÀzÀ°è ¥Àæw ¸ÀzÀ¸ÀåjAzÀ £Á¯ÁÌuÉ ¸ÀAUÀ滹 ¥ÀPÀëzÀ ZÀlĪÀnPÉ £ÀqɸÀ¨ÉÃPÉAzÀÄ PÉÆ0rzÉݪÀÅ DzÀgÉ CzÀÄ ¸ÁzsÀåªÁUÀ°®è.
¥Àæ±Éß:- (¦üµÀgï) ²æÃªÀÄAvÀ ¨sÁgÀwÃAiÀÄjAzÀ §gÀĪÀ ºÀtzÀ°è JµÀÖgÀ ªÀÄnÖUÉ PÁAUÉæ¸ï£À ªÉZÀѪÀ£ÀÄß ¨sÀj¸À§ºÀÄzÀÄ?
UÁA¢:- ‘’ºÉZÀÄÑ PÀrªÉÄ J¯Áè RZÀð£ÀÄß F D±ÀæªÀÄzÀ°è £ÁªÀÅ »ÃVgÀĪÀÅzÀQÌAvÀ PÉlÖzÁÝV §zÀÄPÀÄwÛzÉݪÀÅ, DzÀgÉ ²æÃªÀÄAvÀ ¸ÉßûvÀgÀÄ ºÀt ¤ÃqÀÄwÛgÀĪÀÅzÀjAzÀ £ÁªÀÅ D jÃw §zÀÄPÀÄwÛ®è. ºÉZÀÄÑ PÀrªÉÄ J¯Áè RZÀð£ÀÄß CªÀgÉà ¨sÀj¸ÀÄwÛzÁÝgÉ.’’
¨ÁæºÀät ªÀÄvÀÄÛ §¤AiÀiÁUÀ¼À ¸ÀA§AzsÀzÀ §UÉÎ ¨Á¨Á¸ÁºÉçgÀÄ »ÃUÉ£ÀÄßvÁÛgÉ. ‘’EzÀÄ ªÁtÂdåAiÀÄÄUÀ FUÀ PÀwÛVAvÀ ºÀtzÀ ¥ÁvÀæªÉà ªÀÄÄRå CµÉÖà C®èzÉ gÁdQÃAiÀÄ gÀxÀ £ÀqɸÀ®Ä ºÀt ªÀÄÄRå DzÀÝjAzÀ¯Éà ¨ÁæºÀätgÀÄ §¤AiÀiÁ eÉÆvÉ ¸ÉÃjzÁÝgÉ §¤AiÀiÁ PÁAUÉæ¸ïUÉ ºÀt PÉÆqÀÄwÛgÀĪÀÅzÀPÉÌ PÁgÀt gÁdQÃAiÀÄzÀ°è ºÀÆrzÀ º
¥Àæ±Éß:- (¦üµÀgï) ²æÃªÀÄAvÀ ¨sÁgÀwÃAiÀÄjAzÀ §gÀĪÀ ºÀtzÀ°è JµÀÖgÀ ªÀÄnÖUÉ PÁAUÉæ¸ï£À ªÉZÀѪÀ£ÀÄß ¨sÀj¸À§ºÀÄzÀÄ?
UÁA¢:- ‘’ºÉZÀÄÑ PÀrªÉÄ J¯Áè RZÀð£ÀÄß F D±ÀæªÀÄzÀ°è £ÁªÀÅ »ÃVgÀĪÀÅzÀQÌAvÀ PÉlÖzÁÝV §zÀÄPÀÄwÛzÉݪÀÅ, DzÀgÉ ²æÃªÀÄAvÀ ¸ÉßûvÀgÀÄ ºÀt ¤ÃqÀÄwÛgÀĪÀÅzÀjAzÀ £ÁªÀÅ D jÃw §zÀÄPÀÄwÛ®è. ºÉZÀÄÑ PÀrªÉÄ J¯Áè RZÀð£ÀÄß CªÀgÉà ¨sÀj¸ÀÄwÛzÁÝgÉ.’’
¨ÁæºÀät ªÀÄvÀÄÛ §¤AiÀiÁUÀ¼À ¸ÀA§AzsÀzÀ §UÉÎ ¨Á¨Á¸ÁºÉçgÀÄ »ÃUÉ£ÀÄßvÁÛgÉ. ‘’EzÀÄ ªÁtÂdåAiÀÄÄUÀ FUÀ PÀwÛVAvÀ ºÀtzÀ ¥ÁvÀæªÉà ªÀÄÄRå CµÉÖà C®èzÉ gÁdQÃAiÀÄ gÀxÀ £ÀqɸÀ®Ä ºÀt ªÀÄÄRå DzÀÝjAzÀ¯Éà ¨ÁæºÀätgÀÄ §¤AiÀiÁ eÉÆvÉ ¸ÉÃjzÁÝgÉ §¤AiÀiÁ PÁAUÉæ¸ïUÉ ºÀt PÉÆqÀÄwÛgÀĪÀÅzÀPÉÌ PÁgÀt gÁdQÃAiÀÄzÀ°è ºÀÆrzÀ ºÀt¢AzÀ ºÉZÀÄÑ ¯Á¨sÀ«zÉ JA§ w¼ÀĪÀ½PɬÄAzÀ EzÀ£ÀÄß CªÀjUÉ ºÉýPÉÆlÖzÀÄÝ UÁA¢.’’
1921, 1922 ªÀÄvÀÄÛ 1923 gÀ°è PÁAUÉæ¸ï ¸ÀAUÀ滹zÀ ‘’ w®Pï ¸ÀégÁe濫üUÉ PÀæªÀĪÁV 1,01,64,010-00 13,37,982-00 ªÀÄvÀÄÛ 9,75, 090.00 MlÄÖ 1.24.77.082.00 gÀÆUÀ¼À£ÀÄß ¸ÀAUÀ滸À¯Á¬ÄvÀÄ. F ºÀtªÀ£ÀÄß ¥ÁæAvÀåªÁgÀÄ «vÀj¹zÀ «ªÀgÀ »ÃVzÉ.
¥ÀnÖ- 1
¥ÁæAvÀåªÁgÀÄ | PÉÆqÀ¯ÁzÀ ºÀt | d£À¸ÀASÉå | d£À¸ÀASÉå DzsÀj¹ ¤ÃqÀ¨ÉîV | |
CT® ¨ÁsÀgÀvÀ | 4,94,000 | 22,74,38,000 | - | 10 |
ªÀÄÄA¨Á¬Ä | 26,92,381 | 1,60,623, | 8% | 54.3% |
5,05,000 | 4,23,19,000 | 18& | 10 % | |
©ºÁgÀ §j¸Áì | 5,65,000 | 3,38,20,000 | 15% | 11.3% |
GvÀÛgÀ ¥ÀæzÉñÀ | 3,11,200 | 4,53,76,000 | 20% | 6.26% |
¹Azï | 1,13,000 | 32,79,377 | - | 2.2% |
C¸ÁìA | 51,080 | 67,35,000 | 3% | 1.1% |
§AUÁ¼À | 50,00,00 | 4,62,41,000 | 20% | 1.% |
¹.¦ | 47,000-00 | 1,27,80,000 | 5% | 93% |
¥ÀAeÁeï | 45,00,000 | 2,06,75,000 | 9% | 9% |
ºÉÊzÀgÀ¨Ázï | 40,000-00 | 8% | ||
CfäÃgï | 25,000 | 5% | ||
«zÉñÀ | 14,000-00 | 28% | ||
DºÁgÀ |
¥ÀnÖ-2
¥ÀnÖ
¨Á¨Á ¸ÁºÉçgÀÄ ºÉüÀÄvÁÛgÉ MAzÀƪÀgÉ PÉÆÃnVAvÀ ºÉZÀÄÑ d£À¸ÀASÉå EgÀĪÀ ªÀÄÄA§¬ÄAiÀÄAvÀºÀ ¥ÁæAvÀåPÉÌ 27 ®PÀë gÀÆ ¤ÃrzÀÝgÉ ¸ÀĪÀiÁgÀÄ 4 PÉÆÃn d£À¸ÀASÉåAiÀÄļÀî ¸ÀAAiÀÄÄPÀÛ ¥ÁæAvÀå ªÀÄvÀÄÛ ªÀÄzÁæ¹UÉ vÀ¯Á 5 ®PÀëQÌAvÀ ºÉaÑUÉ ¤Ãr®è. ºÀt «vÀgÀtUÉ AiÀiÁªÀÅzÉà vÀvÀé CxÀªÁ ¸ÀÆvÀæ EgÀ¢gÀĪÀÅzÀÆ C®èzÉ ®eÁâ¸ÀàzÀªÁzÀ ¸ÁéxÀð JzÀÄÝ PÁtÄvÀÛzÉ 3 ªÀµÀðUÀ¼À°è «vÀj¸À¯ÁzÀ 491/2 ®PÀë gÀÆ.UÀ¼À°è UÁA¢üAiÀĪÀgÀ UÀÄdgÁwUÉ 26 1/2 ®PÀë zÉÆgÉwÛzÀÝgÉ ¨sÁgÀvÀzÀ G½zɯÁè ¨sÁUÀUÀ½UÉ PÉêÀ® 23 ®PÀë ¤ÃqÀ¯ÁVzÉ EzÀjAzÀ 29 1/2 ®PÀë d£À¸ÀASÉå ºÁdgÁwUÉ 26 ½ ®PÀë zÉÆgÀQzÁÝgÉ 23 PÉÆÃnà d£À¸ÀASÉå ¨sÁgÀzÀ G½zÀ ¨sÁUÀUÀ½UÉ ºÀtªÀ£ÀÄ AiÀiÁjUÉ AiÀiÁªÀ GzÉÝñÀPÁÌV ªÀÄAdÆj ªÀiÁqÀ¯Á¬ÄvÀÄ JA§ÄzÀ£ÀÄß CjAiÀÄ®Ä CªÀPÁ±ÀªÁUÀ° CzÀPÉÌ ¤AiÀÄAvÀætªÁUÀ° EgÀ°®è F PɼÀV£À CAQ CA±ÀªÀ£ÀÄß UÀªÀĤ¹.
AiÀiÁªÀ GzÉÝñÀPÁÌV JAzÀÄ ºÉüÀzÉ RZÀÄð ªÀiÁqÀ®Ä ªÀåQÛUÀ½UÉ ¤ÃqÀ¯ÁzÀ ºÀt
ªÀåPÀÛ | ºÀt | |
ªÀiË°é §zÀÄæ¯ïºÀ¸À£ï | 40,000-00 | Apsil 20 21-22 gÀAzÀÄ 1922 gÀ°è PÀ®ÌvÁÛ PÁAiÀÄðPÁj ¸À¨sÉAiÀÄ°è ªÀÄAdÆgÁzÀzÀÄÝ |
Toprakasham | 7000-00 | (ªÉÄà 12-12 1922 gÀ ªÀÄÄA¨ÉÊ ¸À¨sÉAiÀÄ°è ªÀÄAdÆgÁzÀzÀÄÝ |
Rajagopalachari | 1000-00 | 1922 dÆ£ï 06,07,10 gÀ PÉÆ°è ¸À¨sÉAiÀÄ°è ªÀÄAdÆgÁzÀzÀÄÝ ¸À¨sÉ |
¨Bajaj | 20.000 | dįÉÊ 7,8, ªÀÄvÀÄÛ 10 £ÁUÀ¥ÀÄgÀ ¸À¨sÉAiÀÄ°è ªÀÄAdÆgÁzÀzÀÄÝ |
Gandhi 1921 | 1,00.000 | gÀAzÀÄ PÀ®ÌvÁzÀ°è Û d£ÀªÀj ªÀÄvÀÄÛ ¥É§æªÀj 01-02-2 gÀ PÁAiÀÄðPÁj ¸À«Äw ¸À¨sÉAiÀÄ°è ªÀÄAdÆgÁzÀzÀÄÝ |
AiÀiÁªÀÅzÉà GzÉÝñÀPÁÌVAiÀÄÆ ¤UÀ¢ü¥Àr¸ÀzÉ ªÀÄvÀÄÛ AiÀiÁgÀ ºÉÆuÉAiÀÄÆ E®èzÉ ¤UÀ¢ü¥Àr¸À¯ÁzÀ ºÀt
UÀÄdgÁvïUÉ 3,00,000
‘’-‘’ 18,00,000
‘’-‘’ 3,00,00
»ÃUÉ ºÉ¸Àj¸À¯ÁzÀ ªÀÄvÀÄÛ ºÀt ¥ÀqÉzÀªÀgÀ ¤ªÀðºÀuÉUÉ PÉÆqÀ¯ÁzÀ EµÀÄÖ zÉÆqÀØ ªÉÆvÀÛPÉÌ ¯ÉPÀÌPÉÆqÀ¯ÁVvÀÄÛ CxÀªÁ ¨ÉãÁ«Ä ªÀåQåUÀ¼ÀÄ F ºÀtªÀ£ÀÄß ¥ÀqÉzÀgÉà JA§ÄzÀÄ UÉÆvÁÛV®è F ¥Àæ±ÉßUÀ½UÉ vÀȦÛPÀgÀ GvÀÛgÀ zÉÆgÉvÀgÀÆ PÀÆqÀ EAvÀºÀ zÀÄAzÀÄUÁjPÉAiÀÄ ªÀÄvÀÄÛ ¤gÀxÀðPÀ ºÀÄZÀÄÑ ºÀtPÁ¹£À ¤ªÀðºÀuÉUÉ E£ÉÆßÃAzÀÄ ¤zÀ±Àð£À «gÀ°®èªÉA§ÄzÀÄ ¤¸ÀìA±ÀAiÀÄ ºÁUÉAiÉÄà ¸ÁªÀðd¤PÀ ºÀtzÀ F jÃwAiÀÄ ªÀåªÀ¹ÞvÀ zÀgÉÆÃqÉ JA¢UÀÆ DVgÀ°®è ¸ÀégÁe濫ü¬ÄAzÀ D¸Àéø±ÀågÀ M½wUÁV ¥ÀæxÀªÀÄ DzsÀåvÉ ªÉÄÃ¯É ºÀt ¤ÃqÀ¨ÉÃPÉA§ ¤jÃPÉë EvÀÄÛ PÀQëzÁgÀgÉà E®èzÉ ªÀQîgÀÄ gÁµÀÖçPÁÌV vÀªÀÄä ªÀÈwÛAiÀÄ£ÀÄß PÉÊ©lÖgÉAzÀÄ CªÀgÀÄ AiÀiÁªÀ PÁgÀtPÁÌV ©lÖgÉAzÀÄ w½¢PÉÆ¼ÀÄîªÀ UÉÆÃfUÀÆ ºÉÆÃUÀzÉ ¸Á«gÁgÀÄ gÀÆ.UÀ¼À£ÀÄß ¤ÃrzÀÄÝ ±ÉÃA¢ E½¸ÀĪÀªÀgÀÄ vÀªÀÄä ªÀÈwÛ ©nÖzÀÝPÉÌ CªÀgÀ G¥À fêÀ£ÀPÁÌV ºzÀÆgÀÄ ©ÃrzÀÄÝ ªÀÄvÀÄÛ EAxÀºÀ C£ÉÃPÀ C¥ÁæªÀiÁtÂPÀ ¤gÀÀxÀðPÀ PÉ®¸ÀPÁÌV ¸Á«gÁgÀÄ gÀÆUÀ¼À£ÀÄß ¤ÃrzÀ PÁAUÉæ¸ï D¸Ààø±ÀågÀ »vÀPÁÌV £ÁåAiÀÄAiÀÄÄvÀªÁV C£ÀÄzÁ£À ¤ÃqÀ¨ÉÃPÁVvÀÄÛ DzÀgÉ EzÀPÉÌ §zÀ¯ÁV ¥ÀævÉåÃPÀ ¤¢üAiÉÆAzÀ£ÀÄß ¸ÁÞ¦¸À®Ä PÁAUÉæÃ¸ï ¸ÀÆa¹vÀÄ ¤¢üAiÀÄ UÁvÀæ 5 ®PÀë EgÀ¨ÉÃPÉAzÀÄ CT®¨sÁgÀvÀ PÁAUÉæ¸ï ¤UÀ¢¥Àr¹vÀÄÛ. C¸Ààø±ÀågÀ GzÁÞgÀ C¥ÀæªÀÄÄR ªÀÄvÀÄÛ ¯Á¨sÀzÁAiÀÄPÀªÀ®èªÉAzÀÄ ¨sÁ«¹ CzÀ£ÀÄß PÉÆ£ÉUÉ 2 ®PÀëPÉÌ E½¸À¯Á¬ÄvÀÄ 60 zÀ±À®PÀë D¸Ààø±ÀåjUÉ PÉêÀ® 2 ®PÀë gÀÆUÀ¼À£ÀÄß ¤UÀ¢üªÀiÁqÀ¯Á¬ÄvÀÄ.
EzÀgÀ°è C¸Ààø±ÀågÀ GzsÁÞgÀPÁÌV ªÁ¸ÀÛªÀªÁV RZÀÄð ªÀiÁrzÀ ºÀtzÀ «ªÀgÀ »ÃVzÉ.
GzÉÝñÀ | ªÀÄAdÆgÁzÀ ºÀt |
Rajamundri Depressed classes vision CAvÀåd PÁAiÀiÁð®AiÀÄ CºÀªÀÄzÁ¨Ázï ‘’-‘’ DAzÀæzÀ°è ¤ªÀÄä ªÀUÀðUÀ¼À PÁAiÀÄðPÀæªÀÄ | 1000 5000 17.38 7000 |
National Social Conference for Depressed classes work ¤ªÀĪÀÄ ªÀUÀðUÀ¼ÀªÀgÀ PÉ®¸ÀPÁÌV vÀ«Ä¼ÀÄ f¯Áè ¥ÀæzÉñÀ PÁAUÉæÃ¸ï ¸À«ÄwUÉ | 3000 10,000 |
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